Quotations concerning


Particular political parties seldom attract the sustained curiosity of psychologists-or of other people who deny any hunger for power. Promote themselves as they might, Conservatives, Christian Democrats, Republicans, Liberals, Democrats, Social Democrats, Democratic Socialists, Socialists, Greens, Nationalists and the many warring factions of the 'National Front' and 'Class War' movements provoke ridicule-and even claims of revulsion-as much as serious study. Still, many political developments fascinate and even terrify: e.g. the sudden collapse of Soviet communism, Reagan-Thatcher conservatism, and the European exchange-rate mechanism (the intended precursor of European monetary and political union). Likewise, the rise of nationalism (with 'ethnic cleansing') in ex-Communist Europe, of the urban cardboard-city 'underclass' in the West, of nearly-nuclear-armed dictatorships in Asia, and of genocide in central Africa provide forceful reminders that the world of political problems and nostrums offers plenty to study. Perhaps psychologists should heed the call. Aristotle assumed that, under reasonably democratic institutions, politics would be one of the higher expressions of human nature; and it is often tempting to see political differences as providing reflections, extensions or even compensatory and pretended forms of conventional personality traits. Perhaps politics can sometimes complete personality development-even if they as often substitute for it.
The quotes here are drawn mainly from politicians, historians and commentators. They reflect the central tendency for political debate in the West to have been carried on since 1789 in terms of Left vs Right. This general dimension has proved acceptable enough to psychologists. However, psychologists have still to demonstrate that the dimension's roots and motivational bases are to be found-as many psychologists would prefer-in 'liberalism / humanitarianism vs ethnocentrism / authoritarianism'. Thus their own interest has been especially in those packages of political belief that they do find at once coherently demonizable and indicative of underlying psychological or social pathology. In particular, Western psychologists have been interested in-and critical of- 'right-wing authoritarianism' and its local corollary of (White) racism (see below and Quotes XXIV). (The politics of psychologists themselves are considered in Quotes XXVI.)
Any psychology of politics which tries to come to terms with actual political parties is bound to be a little complicated for the following three reasons.
(1) There are often considerable differences among people who support the same political party. Politicians of the Left quite often disagree with each other about the value of traditional family life, deterrent sentencing, military alliance with other Western nations, formal economic co-operation and linkage as in the European Union, and the technique of nuclear deterrence. On the Right, disagreements occur about hanging, homosexuality, divorce, abortion, Sunday observance, free trade and, once more, the European Union.
(2) Parties change their views over time on important matters. In the nineteenth century, the British Liberal Party was a party of free trade and laissez-faire capitalism; but in the twentieth century, under its charismatic leader Lloyd George, it pioneered the 'welfare state' (beginning with free medical provision in the Highlands of Scotland) and favoured European economic union. Over the same period, British Conservatives moved from trade protectionism (especially in agriculture) to championing free trade (in particular, under Mrs Thatcher, protesting about the European Common Agricultural Policy); and, after Suez (1957), they moved from championing Britain's Empire and Commonwealth to indifference (reacting against the preference of the 'New' Commonwealth for socialism and subsidies). It is widely presumed that any British Labour Government in the near future would be unlikely to reflect many Labour Party members' emotional commitments to
(re-)nationalization of industry, technology, key services and natural resources, to de-nuclearization of Britain's armed forces and, above all, to the outlawing altogether of private education (i.e. of Britain's 'public' schools).
(3) Perhaps true 'conservatives' wish to preserve some kind of status quo, or to return to bygone and halcyon arrangements that they always preferred. Similarly, 'the Left' might wish to be conspicuously 'radical', 'reformist', 'progressive' and even revolutionary-as the Left itself invariably implies. Yet there are paradoxes for even this agreeably simple antithesis. In recent years, in British politics at least, the Left itself has been concerned precisely to preserve the Welfare State, a substantial ongoing redistribution of wealth and income by means of taxation, the legal immunities of trade unions, the Council housing schemes, existing nationalized industries, and the non-selective, largely unstreamed state-funded comprehensive schools. Each of these institutions and practices has been represented as a British inheritance from a relatively golden age of previous liberal/left reforms-though it was in fact a Conservative Prime Minister, Disraeli, who first began the process of privileging the trade unions at law.
Can such apparent incoherence be explained? One possibility is to draw attention to the distinctive types of coalition that are involved by the Left and the Right respectively. The Left, at its broadest and most successful, is perhaps concerned to provide a 'balanced ticket' of order (especially, of economic organization) and welfare (especially targeted on the less well-off, so putatively reducing 'inequalities'). Comparably, the modern Right might be understood as backing (rather nervously) a balanced mixture of liberty (especially, of economic freedom to dispose of one's own wealth and income) and justice (professing more respect for human rights, property contracts and a stable currency). The Left's package will usually be defended by reference to its conspicuous UTILITY and its promise for a country's future; while the Right's 'backward-looking' arguments, at their loftiest, will concern LEGITIMACY - i.e. how it is proper to treat people, almost regardless of actual results. (These aspirations to UTILITY and LEGITIMACY are further considered in Quotes XXVII and XXVIII-especially with an eye to whether they actually look achievable in the light of psychological knowledge.)
These broad hypotheses about the Left-Right difference as involving different types of coalition have the merit of indicating why psychologists have had trouble explaining party-political preferences. For the more commonly recovered dimensions of social attitudes (in studies of the general public) involve marked contrasts precisely between the values which the parties themselves quite often harness together. Individually, people tend to favour:

either liberty
(especially sexual
and business freedom)
(HEDONISM) or law, tradition, justice,
morality and religion

and, independently of their position on 'HEDONISM vs MORALISM', they seem to choose, along a dimension of 'AUTHORITARIANISM vs HUMANITARIANISM':

either order (including restrictions
on wealth and property ownership,
and national action to secure the
group against invasion or purchase)
(AUTHORITARIANISM) or fraternal humanitarianism,
welfare, egalitarianism and
internationalism of outlook

The two independent dimensions of contrast have normally been thought to intersect as follows (following L.W.Ferguson, 1944, J.soc.Psychol.).

In this two-dimensional space, it is readily agreed that 'social liberalism vs conservatism' runs from left to right. Yet whether 'party-political conservatism' does so is dubious: for, in economic matters, it is parties of the modern Right that favour freedom (of enterprise), while parties of the Left support State orchestration of the economy and higher Government spending of the Gross National Product. Thus large political parties might be thought to 'span' and harness values across the above divides rather than being characterized as occupying any one extreme of the two-dimensional space. The Left tends to promise economic management together with freedom from the longer-standing social traditions (especially of deference to uniformed authority); while the Right tries to combine bracing liberal capitalism in economics with a more harmonious acceptance of religious and rights-accepting proposals (especially regarding what people must be free from - e.g. slavery, compulsory purchase, retrospective legislation). In the Quotes, the symbol is placed before those quotes that look especially compatible with the idea that parties are concerned with some such balancing, spanning or harnessing acts and with the internal party divisions that they will therefore be trying to reconcile. [In practice, the internal division for the Left tends to be between the demands of traditional socialists and the trade unions for state management of the economy and economic equalization, and, on the other hand, the interest of educated, middle-class progressives for welfare schemes which they will run and for liberal and humanitarian measures that restrict authority, punitiveness and militarism. For the Right, its internal line of division often seems to have pitted traditional religion and its sexual code and 'the family' (especially the Royal Family) against unrestricted free market competition, libertarianism and hedonism; but today, with the decline of religious influence, the community-and-control-seekers of the more moralistic Right may tend especially to favour the international disciplines of the European Union and the United Nations.]
By contrast with such uncertainties, psychologists have been bolder over the years in offering explanations of extremism of political outlook and practice-whether 'extremism' takes a Left- or (more usually, in the West) a Right-wing form. In particular, Britain's best known psychologist, Hans Eysenck, was very much in the post-War intellectual vanguard in claiming that there is an AUTHORITARIANISM-OF-THE-LEFT that is psychologically similar to the more familiar AUTHORITARIANISM-OF-THE-RIGHT. Eysenck saw all forms of authoritarianism (which can include religious authoritarianism) as involving tough-mindedness, aggressiveness and hostility to others-whether to bosses, landlords, beggars, Jews or immigrants. Certainly an important question is that of whether unusual degrees of political infatuation, enthusiasm and extremism should invariably be attributed to 'psychoticism', to illiteracy, to personality-based hostility, or to genuine independence of mind and analytical insight into the harsher realities of the human condition.
A suggestion for linking dimension of social attitudes [as in the above Figure] to underlying personality differences would be to overlay them on the two-dimensional personality space that itself seems to underlie the four major personality dimensions of: will (w), energy (e), conscientiousness (c) and affection (a) {see Quotes III}, as below.

(e) --------- ---------- (c)

In terms of this hypothetical overlap, Ferguson's four main value orientations might be read as involving either high levels of some personality traits or low levels of others. For example, AUTHORITARIANISM might be understood in terms of high w, high c, low e or low a. However, the influences of the other two 'Big Six' dimensions of human difference, general intelligence (g) and neuroticism (n) {see Quotes III, VIII and XIV} may also need to be considered, especially in trying to understand the more violently "extreme" forms of political belief and behaviour. For example, in survey work with the general population, fluid intelligence (gf) is associated with LIBERTARIANISM / HEDONISM, and crystallized intelligence (gc) with HUMANITARIANISM; and there is a general case for expecting higher n in association with lower levels of e, c, a and w.
Lastly, Quotes XXV is concerned with the most common political divides and with what might be their differential attractions of people of various personality types. For other divides that are sometimes thought political today - viz. those of age, sex, class and race-see Quotes XXI-XXIV.

For more coverage of how politics impinge on psychology,
especially in relation to the study of intelligence, see:
BRAND, C.R. (1996) The g Factor.
Chichester : Wiley DePublisher.
The book was first issued, in February, but then withdrawn, in April, by the 'publisher' because it was deemed to have infringed modern canons of
'political correctness.'
It received a perfectly favourable review in Nature (May 2, 1996, p. 33).

For a Summary of the book, Newsletters concerning the
de-publication affair, details of how to see the book for scholarly purposes, and others' comments and reviews,
see the Internet URL sites:

For Chris Brand's 'Get Real About Race!'-his popular exposition of his views on race and education in the Black
hip-hop music magazine 'downlow' (Autumn, 1996)-see:


(i) Possible relations between politics and psychology 8

(ii) Traditional Conservatism 10
(iii) Tender-minded, 'progressive', 'one-nation', and reformist Conservatism 11
(iv) Libertarian, 'neo-conservative' and Thatcherite Conservatism 12

(v) The supposedly non-Left and non-Right: 19 Liberals and Liberal Democrats, Greens,
Nationalists, Internationalists and CND

(vi) Stiffer Socialism 30
(vii) Softer Socialism (including American 'liberalism') 35
(viii) Modern Democratic Socialism 38

(ix) The Left-Right divide, and its interpretation 44

(x) Political extremism, authoritarianism and totalitarianism 48
(xi) Political fanaticism, resentment, paranoia and (racial) hostility {See also Quotes XXIV} 52
(xii) Psychological theories of political extremism / fanaticism
etc. 58
(xiii) Extreme Left = Extreme Right? 63
(xiv) Politics and politicians: singular figures and general advices. 66

(i) Possible relations between politics and psychology

"....it must be among our chief ethical rules to see that we build the lofty structure of human society on the sure and simple foundations of man's organism."

"It is believed by many that wars begin in the minds of men. As a politician, I am inclined to view it that the mysteries of political behavior have their origin in the mysteries of the human mind, and yet an examination of the human mind in order to understand our own political behavior has not heretofore appealed to either the public or to political leaders. It may be that we are frightened by the possibilities that might be revealed by some self-examination."
Senator William FULBRIGHT, 1969, to a US Senate hearing on 'Psychological aspects of foreign policy.' Quoted by Ellen Herman, 1995, The Romance of American Psychology. Berkeley, CA : University of California Press.

"In its origins, 'ideology' links the study of psychology to the practice of revolution: the word first gained currency among a group of French philosophes who participated in the Revolution of 1789 and who afterwards attempted to reconstruct post-revolutionary society on the basis of rationally founded, psychological principles. Credit is usually given to Antoine Destutt de Tracy for inventing the term, which was intended to describe the scientific study of ideas....The word 'psychology' was seen to be too old-fashioned in de Tracy's view, because its etymological derivation from psyche (Greek for 'soul') carried a spiritual connotation; and were the scientists to be known as 'psychologists' they might be misunderstood as presupposing the existence of the soul. [Ideology was to explain] 'the way we deal with the external world....the material nature of our ideas....and the series of operations by which the sense-organs and the brain receive impressions of external objects and transform them into sensations and perceptions'."
M.BILLIG, 1982, Ideology and Social Psychology. Oxford : Blackwell.

"An understanding of politics must begin with the parameters of the basic biological problems of survival and reproduction and an understanding of the biopsychological roots of human nature."
P.A.CORNING, 1983,
The Synergism Hypothesis. London : Blond & Briggs.

"It was axiomatic to the philosophers of ancient Greece that there would be some relation between the character of a people and its political institutions and policies."
C.R.BRAND, 1986, 'The psychological bases of political attitudes and interests', in S.& C.Modgil, Hans Eysenck: Consensus and Controversy. Brighton : Falmer.

"The regularity with which political and social philosophers have turned to biology requires little explanation, since the pivotal question underlying all political speculation is that of the "nature of human nature"."
A.SOMIT & S.A.PETERSON, 1986, in Margaret C. Hermann, Political Psychology. San Francisco : Jossey Bass.

"Behavioural scientists fare no better than journalists or politically active citizens in predicting the future of American political institutions or the outcome of an election only two years away." Martha CHANDLER, 1990, Philosophical Studies 60.

"The positivistic trend in political science is understandable....Yet ultimately the notion-underpinning some of the articles in Party Politics (D.M.Farrell et al., 1995)-that the canons of the natural sciences are equally applicable to the analysis of political life is misconceived. In its drive to identify quantifiable indicators, to test hypotheses and to establish correlations, positivist methodology overlooks the complexity and ambivalence of human behaviour and the extent to which political phenomena-unlike natural phenomena-are part of a socially structured reality. For instance, content analysis of party programmes is bound to reach misleading conclusions since it takes no account of the multiple purposes they serve, the significance of fine distinctions of tone and the intentional ambiguities of much of their phrasing."
Eric SHAW, 1995, Times Higher Educational Supplement, 19 x [reviewing D.M.Farrell et al., Party Politics].

(ii)Traditional Conservatism

"The perils of change are so great, the promise of the most hopeful theories is so often deceptive, that it is frequently the wiser part to uphold the existing state of things, if it can be done, even though, in point of argument, it should be utterly indefensible."
Lord SALISBURY, c. 1890, quoted by P.Clarke,
A Question of Leadership. Harmondsworth : Penguin, 1991.

"If, making use of William James's distinction, we were to divide Conservatives into those who are tender-minded and those who are tough-minded, it is the latter whom Salisbury may be said to represent and exemplify. And if, today, he seems to us a very remote figure, this is not only because the assumptions and conditions of British politics have changed utterly since his day, but also because, during Baldwin's ascendancy [as Conservative leader, 1923-37] and afterwards, it is largely a tender-minded Conservatism which has set the tone and dominated the Party's rhetoric."
E.KEDOURIE, 1972, Encounter, vi.

"The basic premise of conservatism is that worthwhile institutions are hard to build, and easy to destroy, and that a life without institutions is seriously impoverished."
R.SCRUTON, 1983, The Times, 8 iii.

"The most conservative social values are held by those who support Labour."
The Observer, 16 ix 1983.

"Conservatism follows and does not precede the existence of a Conservative party. It is a natural attempt by a body with a long continuous existence to articulate and make intelligible to itself its own character."
` E.KEDOURIE, 1984,
The Crossman Confessions. New York : Mansell.

"The Conservatives, mark my word, never yet took up a cause without betraying it in the end."
Sir W. HARCOURT, 1985, letter to The Times
about Northern Ireland and the Anglo-Irish Accord, 20 xi.

(iii)Tender-minded, progressive, 'one nation' and reformist Conservatism.

"....I have not been disposed to acquiesce in acknowledged evils, either from the mere superstitious reverence for ancient usages, or from the dread of labour or responsibility in the application of a remedy."
Sir Robert PEEL (UK Prime Minister 1834, 1841-46).

"Whatever be your financial difficulties or necessities, you must so adapt your measures....as not to bear on the comforts of the labouring classes of society."
Sir Robert Peel, quoted by P.Johnson, The Offshore Islanders.
London : Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 1972.

"A progressive is always a conservative; he conserves the direction of progress. A reactionary is always a rebel."
G.K.CHESTERTON, in his Introduction to Carlyle's Past and Present.

"Chamberlainite imperialists [of c. 1900] tended to favour the big state at home as well as abroad....If social reform [including old age pensions] could sell imperialism to the British public, well and good.... Chamberlain was adumbrating a new sort of politics for the right in Britain, resting on a calculated politicization of the masses, with strong overtones of populism and nationalism, and focused through his own charismatic leadership. There is no need to dub this proto-fascist to make the point that something funny was happening to the Tory party."
P.CLARKE, 1991, A Question of Loyalties: from Gladstone to Thatcher. Harmondsworth : Penguin.

"....Mr David Hunt, currently Employment Secretary....has just published through the Conservative Political Centre a pamphlet ironically entitled Right Ahead. Mr Hunt hopes to show that he, at least, knows where he is going. Sadly for him and his party, the tract reads like a parody of a CPC pamphlet published by an especially oily minister. Burke is quoted liberally; all wings of, and traditions in, the party are sucked up to; the Prime Minister is praised; the minister's own particular point of view (in Mr Hunt's case Christian Democracy) is gently aired in a fashion about as rigorous as a milk pudding, so as not to frighten right-wing horses. The bankruptcy of a party of opportunists, careerists and high-spending corporate statists is, unintentionally no doubt, presented for all to see."
Simon HEFFER, 1994, The Spectator, 9 iv.

(iv) Libertarian, 'neo-conservative' and Thatcherite Conservatism

"It is error alone which needs the support of government. Truth can stand by itself."
Thomas JEFFERSON, 1804,
cited by Thomas Szasz, Insanity. New York : Wiley.

"My friends, I must tell you that a Socialist policy is abhorrent to the British ideas of freedom. Although it is now put forward in the main by people who have a good grounding in the Liberalism and Radicalism of the early part of this century, there can be no doubt that Socialism is inseparably interwoven with Totalitarianism and the abject worship of the State. It is not alone that property, in all its forms, is struck at; but that liberty, in all its forms, is challenged by the fundamental conceptions of Socialism."
Winston CHURCHILL, 1945, pre-Election radio broadcast, 4 vi.
{See also Sarah CHURCHILL, below.}

"Popular capitalism is on the march.... Of course, there will always be people who, in the name of morality, sneer at this and call it 'materialism'. But isn't it moral that people should want to improve the material standard of living of their families, by their own effort? Isn't it moral that families should work for the means to look after their old folk? Isn't it moral that people should save, so as to be responsible for themselves? ....And it is for Government to work with that grain in human nature to strengthen the strand of responsibility and independence: it benefits the family; it benefits the children; it is the essence of freedom."
Margaret THATCHER, 1987, addressing Scottish Conservatives
at Perth, 15 v.

"Neo-conservatives are unlike old conservatives because they are utilitarians, not moralists, and because their aim is the prosperity of post-industrial society, not the recovery of a golden age."
Irving KRISTOL, 1987, interviewed by P.Scott,
Times Higher Educational Supplement, 6 ii.

"Millions of independents, above all yuppies, who like Reagan's low-tax economics and to a lesser extent his foreign policy, would switch to the Democrats immediately if they saw the Republican Party falling under the sway of the religious Right.... It has been one of
Reagan's great achievements to bring the social and religious Right within his broad coalition without giving them anything in return."
Ambrose EVANS-PRITCHARD, 1988, The Spectator, 20 iii.

"....it may well be that economic Thatcherism [stressing the importance of freedom and competition] would not be indefinitely acceptable to the British public unless there appeared to be a broader social dimension [stressing the importance of responsibility and morality] as well."
Geoffrey SMITH, 1988, 'On reconciling the two Thatcherisms',
The Times, 19 ii.

"Mrs Thatcher gained power at a time when it seemed that the collective was depriving the individual of responsibility for his own life. Even crime was no longer an individual act: it was a response to social conditions (a view which insulted all decent people living in the same conditions but abstaining from criminal activity). She disagreed.... To dramatise this, she insisted 'society did not exist', though it was against an exaggerated view of society that she was reacting. Nothing she said would have been denied by Protestant churchmen before this century."
Allan MASSIE, 1989, Sunday Times: Scotland, 5 iii.

"The true conservatives of Britain are now in the Labour Party, while the radicals are all in blue."
Salman RUSHDIE, cited by Brian Walden, Sunday Times, 22 i 1989.

"It is too often said that Thatcherism is a departure from Conservative tradition. She proclaims herself to be "radical". In one sense she is; but in another sense she is harking back to an older set of policies. After all, for most of the time since 1846 Conservatives have been in favour of low taxation, an enterprise culture, a stable currency, and minimal state intervention; and, apart from a curious aberration by Disraeli, have viewed what was quaintly called the trade union "movement" with a frosty eye."
Lord BLAKE, 1989, The Times, 17 iv.

"Contradictions between the individualistic, free-market stance and traditional Conservative appeals to authority, patriotism, law and order are two a penny, and have often been remarked on. The electoral calculation has always been that the two opposed camps - the 'individualists' who are trying to make money, and the 'conservatives' who already have it - will make common cause at the end of the day."
Auberon WAUGH, 1989, The Spectator, 18 iii.

"There seems to be nothing in the ideology of Thatcherism that conflicts with the recommendations of B.F.Skinner."
F.J.MORRISON & C.J.JACK, 1990, Irish Journal of Psychology 11.

"Conservatism leads nowhere; it satisfies no ideal; it conforms to no intellectual standard; it is not even safe, or calculated to preserve from spoilers that degree of civilisation which we have already attained.... [The Labour Party] is a class party, and the class is not my class....the class war will find me on the side of the educated bourgeoisie.... I want to give encouragement to all exceptional effort, ability, courage, character. I do not want to antagonise the successful, the exceptional.... [Liberalism involves] birth control and the use of contraceptives, marriage laws, the treatment of sexual offences and abnormalities, the economic position of women, the economic position of the family....drug questions.... Am I a Liberal?"
John Maynard KEYNES, 1925. Quoted by R.Skidelsky,
'Keynes and the left'. New Statesman, 16 iv 1993.

[Re W.CHURCHILL, above.]
"....the people I know who are Labour don't vote Labour for ideals or belief, but simply because life has been hard for them, often an unequal struggle, and they think that only by voting Labour will their daily struggle become easier. So in that respect your speech was a bombshell, because they are all decent people who want an easier and gayer life; but certainly wouldn't tolerate any form of totalitarianism. On the other hand I am not quite sure they will understand how what you say would really be so. Because Socialism as practised in the War did no one any harm, and quite a lot of people good. The children of this country have never been so well fed or healthy; what milk there was, was shared equally; the rich didn't die because their meat ration was no larger than the poor; and there is no doubt that this common sharing and feeling of sacrifice was one of the strongest bonds that unified us. So why, they say, cannot this common feeling of sacrifice be made to work as effectively in peace?"
Sarah CHURCHILL, 1945, writing to her father, 12 vi.
Cited by M.Gilbert, Never Despair. London : Heinemann.

"Thatcherism is not an ideology, but a political style: a trick of presenting reasonable, rather pedestrian ideas in a way that drives reasonable men into a frothing rage."
Andrew BROWN, 1984, The Spectator, 13 x.

"In a remarkable article....Enoch Powell, who has numbered Mrs Thatcher among his staunchest admirers, argued that a strong welfare state was the natural corollary of a market economy."
Leading article, New Society 77, 26 ix 1986.

"The most interesting contradiction to emerge out of the Tory Party Conference centres around the conflict between obedience/conformity and enterprise. ....For a long time, libertarians (a dubious lot) have claimed that people ought to have fewer economic, social and moral fetters. But the Tory Party seems not to want us to be free really, except in business terms."
David COHEN, 1987, Psychology News 2, 1.

"In fact the Tories are far more deeply divided than the Labour Party in their fundamental attitudes to the nature of government and society. ....Last week's debate on Sunday trading was a classic example of this.... On the one side there were the enforcers of Christian values, whether church-wardens from the shires or born-again believers from the polytechnics, together with the worshippers of that powerful divinity, The Family. On the other side were the free-marketers and radical reformers, whether spotty young men with degrees in economics or plain-speaking folk such as Mrs Pulford, the Leicestershire housewife who accused the churches of operating a protectionist racket. ....The real division here....is between those who think it is not the business of government to interfere in people's lives, and those who think that's just what government is for."
Noel MALCOLM, 1987, The Spectator, 17 x.

"There is a streak of Nazism in the Tory Party and I predict that so long as we are ruled by Thatcherism, gas chambers will be here within seven to ten years for lesbians, gay men, blacks and Socialists."
Linda BELLOS, 1987, addressing a fringe meeting of the Labour
Party Annual Conference, 29 ix.

"Margaret Thatcher is a classic liberal, not a conservative in the European sense."
Seymour Martin LIPSET, 1988, Society 25 vii/viii.

"Conservatism has never pretended to be a system of thought, or to offer a completed vision of an earthly paradise. Conservatism has been against things rather than for them, sceptical not missionary, the enemy of zeal and the stoic friend of imperfection. At the centre of Mrs Thatcher's attempt to repudiate some of this tradition....was a fundamental division which was bound to flaw any serious effort to overturn and eradicate the post-War liberal consensus: the division between Hayekians, who regarded themselves not as conservatives but as liberals, and the young bloods of the Conservative Philosophy Group, whose greater passion was for order...."
Hugo YOUNG, 1989, One of Us: A Biography of Margaret Thatcher.
London : Macmillan.

"For years, political analysts have been trying to measure the public's attitudes on a scale which has collectivism and government action at one end, and individual action at the other. ....it is difficult to find any evidence of a clear shift down the scale during the Thatcher years. Perhaps part of the explanation is that such a scale cannot measure the effect of a populism which favours both individualism in private life and a crude but powerful cult of government action."
Noel MALCOLM, 1989, 'Margaret Thatcher: Housewife Superstar',
The Spectator, 25 ii.

"Came the 1960s and 1970s: corporatism, planning, protectionism and buttering up vested interest were tried by Conservative governments as well as Labour, and failed. One or two Tories - Enoch Powell, Keith Joseph - began to look again at the laissez-faire tradition, and so did Margaret Thatcher. Of course, she has never been a true Manchester liberal....Her own politics are rather those of Lord Copper and the Daily Beast, "self-sufficiency at home, self-assertion abroad", and this combination of enrichez vous and populist nationalism has made her in electoral terms the most successful Party leader of the century."
Geoffrey WHEATCROFT, 1990, Encounter, iv.

"Mrs Thatcher is not uncaring or cruel, but she is naive. She can't comprehend how absolutely useless, helpless and hopeless a good many people are, and is cursed with an incredible optimism and romanticism as to what the individual is capable of. If she kicks away the crutches, it's because she really does believe that everyone has the ability to walk without them."
Julie BURCHILL, 1992, Sex and Sensibility. London : Grafton.

"Margaret Thatcher is often described simply as a classical liberal, but I remember her telling me how she hated the term laissez faire. She believed that the market needed a framework of institutions and values within which to operate. For her, the reconciliation between the market and that underlying moral framework was achieved through her own personal religious belief. But the crucial question is whether there can be a secular reconciliation as well."
David WILLETTS, 1994, Sunday Times, 11 ix.

"The trouble with Thatcherism was that it weakened faith in the established institutions of this country but was utterly devoid of any creative vision as to what should be put in their place. It claimed to be arresting the nation's century-long decline, but achieved no such thing. In the process of accomplishing these non-triumphs, it also wilfully set out to destroy many admirable British virtues, including tolerance, decency, fair-mindedness and public-spiritedness. It may yet destroy the Tory party itself. It would be poetic justice if it did."
David CANNADINE, 1994, 'John Major, just an undertaker on overtime?' The Spectator, 16 iv.

"It is only now becoming that the hegemony of the New Right represented the last stand of the old politics that takes its lead from industry and economic theory. The blinkered economics of the New Right finds itself powerless and uncomprehending as new types of economic organisation in Asia outperform those of the West and old cultural conflicts resurface throughout the post-communist world. The old political structure which the New Right embodied is plainly disintegrating , as the political process in western societies gives voice to demands and discontents that it can neither understand nor control."
John GRAY, 1994, Times Higher Educational Supplement, 7 x.

"One political commentator this week talked of the Conservative party as a "coalition" that could break up into four pieces--Christian Democrats, Whig grandees, the pragmatic Right and English nationalists."
Simon TARGETT, 1996, 'The right ending?' Times Higher, 11 x.

(v) The supposedly non-Left and non-Right....

Liberal Democrats

"A Liberal is he who looks forward for his principles of government; a Tory looks backwards."
J.S.MILL, 1865.

"The basic case for Free Trade...was that an open economy enforced cheapness, and thereby efficiency, through competition. This was obviously to the advantage of those capitalists who were free to shift their capital around the world, looking for the best return. But Free Trade, so Liberals tirelessly reiterated, was also to the advantage of the working class in so far as they were all consumers. Tariffs, on the other hand, made an appeal to them in so far as they were producers for markets threatened by foreign competition. Thus the Liberal cliché, 'Hands off the people's food', was countered by the Conservative cliché, 'Tariff Reform means work for all'."
Peter CLARKE, 1991, A Question of Leadership: from Gladstone to Thatcher. London : Hamish Hamilton.

"[Now] I was joined by my new colleague in the fight {for the two-member parliamentary constituency of Oldham, in 1899}. His accession was deemed to be a master stroke of the [Conservative] Central Office. He was none other than Mr James Mawdsley, a Socialist and the much respected secretary of the Operative Spinners' Association. Mr Mawdsley was the most genuine specimen of the Tory working-man candidate I have ever come across. He boldly proclaimed admiration of Tory democracy and even of Tory socialism. Both parties, he declared, were hypocritical, but the Liberals were the worse. He for his part was proud to stand upon the platform with a 'scion' of the ancient British aristocracy in the cause of the working people who knew him so well and had trusted him so long. ....Meanwhile our two opponents, the Liberal champions, proved themselves men of quality and mark [both wealthy, one a mill owner]. My poor Trade Unionist friend and I would have had very great difficulty in finding £500 between us, yet we were accused of representing the vested interests of society, while our opponents, who were certainly good for a quarter of a million, claimed to champion in generous fashion the causes of the poor and needy. A strange inversion."
Winston S. CHURCHILL, 1930, My Early Life.
Republished 1990, Mandarin Paperbacks.

"Conservatism leads nowhere; it satisfies no ideal; it conforms to no intellectual standard; it is not even safe, or calculated to preserve from spoilers that degree of civilisation which we have already attained.... [The Labour Party] is a class party, and the class is not my class....the class war will find me on the side of the educated bourgeoisie.... I want to give encouragement to all exceptional effort, ability, courage, character. I do not want to antagonise the successful, the exceptional....
[Liberalism involves] birth control and the use of contraceptives, marriage laws, the treatment of sexual offences and abnormalities, the economic position of women, the economic position of the family....drug questions.... Am I a Liberal?"
John Maynard KEYNES, 1925. Quoted by R.Skidelsky,
'Keynes and the left'. New Statesman, 16 iv 1993.

"What are the philosophical assumptions, or axioms, of....Liberal Democracy? They may be reduced to three. The first is that all men are equal, at least to the extent that they must have an equal share in government. The second is, that government only exists in order to prevent any man interfering with the equal liberty of others (J.S.Mill); or as more forcibly expressed to me by a student: "government only exists to enable every man to go to hell in his own way." The third, that such individual liberty results in the greatest possible satisfaction of all. Fascism is based on the denial of all these principles."
Claud SUTTON, c. 1930, published by British Union of Fascists.

"We need the innovating stimulus of the free market economy without either the unacceptable brutality of its untrammelled distribution of rewards or its indifference to unemployment."
Roy JENKINS, 1979, BBC Dimbleby Lecture, xi. Republished in R.Jenkins, Partnership of Principle. London : Secker & Warburg, 1985.

"A liberal is literally defined as someone who has no prejudices."
Leading article, New Society, 12 iii 1981.

"In a tea-room at Harrogate [venue for that year's Liberal Conference], a Viennese gentleman and his wife suggested to me a way of unmasking the true nature of the three political parties [in Britain]. Think of them, he urged, as three points on a triangle and then extend each side to its natural extremity. With the Tories, he said, the line stretched out towards Corporate Fascism; Labour sailed away towards Trotskyism. But if you extended the trajectory of Liberalism, it led you to the benevolent 18th-century anarchism of Godwin, who believed in the perfectibility of human nature. The idea is that Man, whose true nature has been distorted, is capable of perfecting himself to the point where he would be fully capable of governing himself with little need of assistance from government. Devolution could be extended to the very lowest level of our actions. We would be free, decent and able to indulge our natural inclination to be compassionate."
Peter LENNON, 1987, The Listener, 17 ix.

"'Liberal' started life in Latin to mean a free man as opposed to a slave. For social and snobbish reasons, liberal rapidly came to mean the sort of behaviour you could expect (or a liberal would expect) from a free man: i.e. gentlemanly, ladylike, noble, handsome, generous, magnanimous, decent, and so on. In a significant development, liberal arts very early came to mean the useless studies fit for a gent, i.e. philosophy and the humanities and other such elitist rubbish that cannot pay its way in Thatcherite terms, as opposed to banausic pursuits that make money, such as stock-broking, running wine bars, horse-racing, and brick-laying. As early as 1422 we find it in English used to
describe such independent, worthless activities: "Liberal Sciencis, fre sciencis, as gramer, arte, fisike, astronomye, and otheris"." Philip HOWARD, 1988, 'Liberties with the liberal', The Times, 18 x.

"A liberal is a man with both feet planted firmly in the air."

"Liberalism is extremely harmful in a revolutionary collective. It is a corrosive which eats away unity, undermines cohesion, causes apathy and creates dissension."
MAO TSE TUNG, Selected Works, Vol. 2.

Involving Whig grandees, 19th-century laissez-faire non-conformists, Poujadists, Grimond's devolutionary idealists, and the new ecological radicals, the British Liberal Party is "a rather ill-assorted alliance".
D.WATTS, 1981, The Times, 4 ix.

"Liberalism has become a euphemism for a kind of anarchism....a party which is deeply antithetical to the whole idea of national government."
M.SYMONDS, 1983, Daily Telegraph, 24 ix.

"'Liberalism', suggested Liberator, the theoretical organ of the Association of Liberal Councillors, 'is a rich cocktail of anarchism, socialism, and a very strong green strand'. ....In the eyes of the grassroots [Liberal] activists, the Social Democratic Party represented everything that was wrong with [David] Steel's Liberal Party writ large: it was centrist, elitist, growth-oriented, corporatist, managerial, metropolitan, media-conscious, and Atlanticist."
Peter JENKINS, 1987,
Mrs Thatcher's Revolution. London : Jonathan Cape.

"....the contemporary debates within modern political systems are almost exclusively between conservative liberals, liberal liberals, and radical liberals. There is little place in such political systems for the criticism of the system itself, that is, for putting liberalism itself in question."
Alasdair MACINTYRE, 1988,
Whose Justice? Which Rationality? London : Duckworth.

"In the West, what is called "liberalism" has too often been associated with the soul-searchings and indecision of a cultured elite. A lack of self-confidence, the inability to say boo to a goose - these are the patterns of behaviour that the word "liberal" brings to mind, probably unfairly. In Eastern Europe things are different. Those who have fought for the more robust liberalism of Mill and Tocqueville have said boo to kites and vultures. Their image is that of men ready to fight and, if necessary, die. Of course, we take them seriously."
Anthony HARTLEY, 1989, Encounter 72, ii.

"Social democrats....say that they accept a market economy, but their acceptance is conditional upon such an economy achieving an almost limitless range of social and moral objectives. So they do not really accept the market economy as it is, but only an imaginary version which they suppose they can legislate into existence."
Brian WALDEN, 1990, Sunday Times, 14 i.

"Those who [criticised] the state of intellectual and artistic freedom in the Communist countries - and who rejected the claims about economic and social well-being in those countries - were denounced by....large groups of enlightened, rationalistic Western intellectuals. In the United States, the latter called themselves "liberals". This has given liberalism a bad name from which it has not recovered."
E.SHILS, 1990, Encounter 75, ix.

"I have often been called a Nazi, and, although it is unfair, I don't let it bother me. I don't let it bother me for one simple reason. No one has ever had a fantasy about being tied to a bed and sexually ravished by someone dressed as a liberal."
P.J.O'ROURKE, 1993.
Quoted by Dwight Garner, The Modern Review, x/xi.

"....a list of the most common social beliefs for which there is no evidence is a good summary of 'liberalism' instruction raises intelligence, genetics does not apply to people, all races are equal, poverty causes crime, multi-racialism is good, welfare mothers want to work, all cultures are equal, men and women are essentially the same."
Thomas JACKSON, 1994, American Renaissance, xi.

"To their shock, the tribal and ideological enemies {in South Africa, as the African National Congress takes over} have found that they all want the same thing.... The central fact is this: all other ideologies and hopes have been conquered by the wish for liberal democracy and, more important, a modern consumer economy."
Andrew KENNY, 1994, The Spectator, 2 iv.

The Greens

"The two thirds of mankind who live in developing countries do not share the same concern for the environment as the other one third in more affluent regions. The primary problem for these developing areas is the struggle for the bare necessities of life. It would, therefore, not be realistic to expect governments of these areas to carry out recommendations regarding environmental protection which might impede or restrict economic progress."
Oliver WEERASINGHE (Ceylon's Ambassador to the United Nations
Organisation), 1970, reported in Industry Week, 29 iv.

"Instead of their old promises that collectivism would create universal abundance, and their denunciations of capitalism for creating poverty, [the New Left] are now denouncing capitalism for creating abundance.... some forty years ago, Franklin D. Roosevelt exhorted [the United States] to sacrifice for the sake of an underprivileged "one-third of a nation"; fifteen years later, the sacrifice was stretched to include the "underprivileged" of the whole globe; today, you are asked to sacrifice for the sake of seaweeds and inanimate matter.... Specific laws-forbidding specifically defined and proved harm, physical harm, to persons or property-are the only solution to problems of this kind. But it is not solutions that the leftists are seeking; it is controls....
If, after the failure of such accusations as 'Capitalism leads you to the poorhouse' and 'Capitalism leads you to war', the New Left [can venture] nothing better than 'Capitalism defiles the beauty of your countryside', one may justifiably conclude that, as an intellectual power, the collectivist movement is through."
Ayn RAND, 1971, The New Left: the Anti-Industrial Revolution.
New York : Signet.

"The stated aims of the Alternative List [i.e. the German Greens] in Berlin have included the abolition of jails, the disarming of the police, an amnesty for all drug addicts and the recognition of violence as a political weapon. ....The Alternative List has already successfully disbanded the special police unit in the city which dealt with riot situations such as the one on 1 May this year."
Gunnar SOHN, 1989, European Freedom Review 1, 3.

"The moral benefits of socialism were expected to emerge after its establishment, when exploitation and poverty had been eliminated. In the short term, Labour could appeal to the material self-interest of the majority to carry it to power. One of the Greens' problems is that they need to engineer a radical change of heart in voters, in conflict with their immediate interests, before they can hope to win power."
John CAMPBELL, 1989, The Times, 24 vi.

"One of the priorities [of Britain's Green Party] is a dramatic reduction in the world's population, including a reduction from the present 56 million to around 35-40 million over a period of time. How this is to be achieved remains obscure. The Party claims to be opposed to compulsory birth-control, but in their influential book A Green Manifesto, Party activists Sandy Irvine and Alec Ponton recommend tax and benefit penalties for large families, a ban on infertility treatment, and "a more realistic approach to abortion"."
Freedom Research 3, viii 1989.
BCM Box 9200, London WC1N 3XX.

"[According to the British Green Party's Manifesto for a Sustainable Society,] in the drive to reduce society's absolute level of economic activity, population control is a top priority....In their influential book, A Green Manifesto, which is recommended reading for Party members, activists Sandy Irvine and Alec Ponton recommend tax and benefit penalties for large families, a ban on infertility treatment, and "a more realistic approach to abortion". The book also attacks those who have access to contraception but nevertheless choose to have large families: "this, more than any other factor, explains why social change cannot be left to individual action". Irvine and Ponton also quote approvingly the U.S. ecologist, Kingsley Davis, who said, "If having too many children were considered as great a crime against humanity as murder, rape and thievery, we would have no qualms about 'taking freedom away'.""
International Freedom Foundation (UK) Bulletin, No. 9, ix 1989.

"The new environmental concerns could put Labour's ideology back in business. The politics of the environment are the politics of intervention - firmer regulation, tighter planning and collective co-operation. The global crisis of the environment is the end of the road for the hands-off, laissez-faire economic liberalism of which Mrs Thatcher is the most notorious zealot."
Robin COOK (Labour Shadow Cabinet member), 1989, The Observer, 8 x.

"....the ultimate cause of environmental damage is people...."
Editorial, Nature 340, 24 viii.

"[The Greens] emphasize that they would seek to reduce the population [of Britain to around 35 million] by education and persuasion to avoid the introduction of "repressive" control measures later.... David Icke [one of the Greens' five spokesmen] said "We are not far left or far right. We are far-sighted. Our manifesto will be conventional wisdom in 10-15 years time."
Andrew GRICE (Political correspondent), 1989, Sunday Times, 17 ix.

"....the spirit of the Greens is seriously out of alignment with that of their supporters. [Dedicated Greens] see themselves as revolutionaries, advocating fundamental changes in society. They are opposed to a society devoted to production and consumption. They leans towards an Arcadian idyll, where peasants and gentles the world over live in perfect bliss. The main impulse behind Green public opinion in Britain, however, is conservative. At best, its supporters are concerned to stem the loss of what was most treasured about the past, to keep our country houses and our hedgerows and badgers. At worst, some, having made it to relative prosperity, want to pull up the ladder behind them. Equality and austere living, as espoused by the Green Party, is not al all what they had in mind."
Editorial, Sunday Correspondent, 24 ix 1989.

"Arguments over the best way to run the [Greens'] organisation are only the tip of an iceberg. [Pragmatic "ecologism" or "ecopolitics" - itself going beyond a shallower environmentalism that treats the environment as just one more item on society's agenda - ] has been anathema to another section of the party, an alliance of anarchists, "libertarians" and "red-greens". ...Uniting this coalition is a politics of the individual - slogans about "personal empowerment" and "participatory politics" pepper their speeches and writings. The Green Party is perceived primarily as an enormous encounter group rather than as a tool tuned to the winning of political power. ....This tendency sees the party as a vehicle for every disaffected minority in society.... Symptomatically....a majority on the Green Party's regional council voted....to make "travellers' rights" one of its four campaigning priorities."
Sandy IRVINE, 1992, New Statesman & Society, 4 ix.

"It is legitimate to have some reservations about the idea of a unitary German state; it is possible to see the so-called German question as demanding a greater peace order, for which an increasingly unified Europe provides the framework. On that assumption it would certainly be necessary to insist that the unification of Europe and Germany proceed hand in hand. But the indifference with which most speakers of the Green Party, even in the turbulence of those November days [in Germany of 1989], denied their neighbors those rights that they are only too ready to press for in foreign lands, was something altogether different. It is probably wrong to think that this stance revealed a lack of national feeling. What emerged more forcefully was a lack of basic human compassion."
Joachim FEST, in H.James & Marla Stone, 1992,
. When the Wall Came Down. New York : Routledge.

<<"The Green Party, for all its laudable claims to protect the non-human environment, turns a blind eye upon the destruction of the human genetic heritage, arguing that the prime responsibility of the European Parliament is to block any eugenic trends that might result from human genome research."
Roger PEARSON, 1996, Humanity & Heredity.
Washington : Scott-Townsend.>>


"The Stranger within my gate, He may be true or kind, But he does not talk my talk, I cannot feel his mind. I see the face and the eyes and mouth, But not the soul behind." KIPLING.

"There is a destiny now possible to us, the highest ever set before a nation to be accepted or refused. We are still undegenerate in race; a race mingled of the best northern blood. We....still have the firmness to govern and the grace to obey.... Will you youths of England make your country again a royal throne of kings, a sceptred isle, for all the world a source of light, a centre of peace; mistress of learning and of the Arts?.... This is what England must either do or perish; she must found colonies as fast and far as she is able...."
John RUSKIN (in his inaugural lecture as Professor of Fine Art in
the University of Oxford), 1870. Quoted by P.Johnson,
The Offshore Islanders. London : Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 1972.

"I contend that we {the English} are the first race in the world and that the more of the world we inhabit, the better it is for the human race."
Cecil RHODES, 1877. Quoted by P.Johnson,
The Offshore Islanders. London : Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 1972.

"The idea, the national idea, is above all change and has to be helped to victory à tout prix et quoiqu'il arrive [at any price, and whatever happens]. There is no salvation except through this formula.... [Without the national idea, even the Prussian monarchy would be like] a mill wheel without water."
Bernhard, Prince von Bülow (Chancellor of Germany, 1900-1909), 1891. Letter to P.Eulenberg, 28 v. In J.C.G.Röhl, Philipp Eulenburgs politische Korrespondenz, Volume I. Boppard am Rhein.

"....from patriotism to fool's paradise, as between all extremes, there is but one step, and few there be who do not find it."
Patrick GEDDES, c. 1920, 'The Scots Renascence'.
In M.Macdonald, 1992, Patrick Geddes: Ecologist, Educator,
. 22, George Sq., Edinburgh : Edinburgh Review.

"Down to Hitler's time, Germany showed extraordinary status-consciousness: foreigners found few things more absurd than the German quest for and insistent use of titles as appendages to their names. One of the handiest things about the social levelling functions of nationalism was that it could change the status of members of the middle class without also demanding any equalisation of income or property. Unlike socialism, nationalism did not threaten to obliterate objective class differences. It was also morally gratifying because it appealed to the very edifying concept of noblesse oblige. The middle and upper classes should respect workers out of a sense of duty. Whatever other functions nationalism performed for the German middle classes, it certainly supplied them with an attractive ideology."
W.S.ALLEN, 1992, 'The collapse of nationalism in Germany.' In J.Breuilly, The State of Germany. London : Longman.

"Today something that has always been true has become clear, namely that national and international
are not opposites....The greatest enemy of the nation is not the international idea, but nationalism."
K.SCHUMACHER, 1946. In K.Schumacher, 1948, Nach dem Zusammenbruch, Hamburg.

"The history of the German nation-state is at an end. What we....can achieve as a great nation is insight into the world's situation: that today the idea of a nation-state is a calamity not only for Europe and all the continents."
Karl JASPERS, 1960, Freiheit und Wiedervereinigung. Munich : Piper.
Quoted in H.James & Marla Stone, 1992,
. When the Wall Came Down. New York : Routledge.

"....nationalism provides an escape from triviality. Implicitly or explicitly, men suffering a social upheaval put to themselves the question: What is happening to us? The nationalist answer is clear: our nation is struggling to be born, it is fighting for independence against its enemies. This answer is never the whole truth, and sometimes it has absolutely nothing to do with the truth at all. But that does not matter."
Kenneth MINOGUE, 1967, Nationalism.

"The best way to judge the character of nationalism is by what it does rather than what it says. Here actions do speak louder than words. Nationalist leaders in power do not preserve traditional culture, or cultures, but rather they destroy them. Populism may be inscribed in doctrine, but factory-building and
development dictate actual priorities." John A. HALL, 1985, Powers and Liberties. Oxford : Blackwell.

"In the unlikely event of Plaid Cymru coming to power, Wales would have all the characteristics of Mussolini's Italy except that the trains would run late."
Christie DAVIES, 1989, European Freedom Review 1, 4.

"National feelings are deeper and older and firmer than any political belief [e.g. in such ephemera as capitalism or communism]. Take away the ideology, and people go back to being what they have been for hundreds and thousands of years, the child at the party who doesn't want the other children to have any biscuits. Northern Ireland, in this sense, is the future."
Carlo GEBLER (novelist), 1990, interviewed by
Lucy Hughes-Hallett, Sunday Telegraph, 4 ii.

"Mr Draskovic [leader of the Serbian National Renaissance] was a fanatical Communist in the 1960s, who thought "Tito was god and Communist Yugoslavia the happiest society in the world". Like many intellectuals, he returned to the Orthodox Church, monarchism and nationalism when he decided Tito was helping Yugoslavia's other nationalities at Serbia's expense. "It suddenly became clear. Serbia was being sacrificed and Tito was the greatest enemy the Serbian nation had ever had.""
Marcus TANNER, 1990, The Independent on Sunday, 25 ii.

"Arguably, individuals respond more to particular pressures and constraints in their daily lives....than they do to more ethereal conceptions concerning their society's place in the long sweep of historical development. Thus, the quest for national identity, while intrinsically fascinating, may be a search not only for something which is perpetually shifting and never to be identified with finality -artefact as it is of contemporary politics-but also for something which does not, in the end, have the importance ascribed to it in relation to national political cultures. The two simply do not neatly correspond. In any event, the degree to which the two Germanies had diverged {in ideology, identity, etc.} became, in the autumn of 1989, what is conventionally known as an 'academic question'. For within a few months, a revolutionary process erupted and snowballed, such that by the beginning of 1990 the division of Germany-and the very existence of two Germanies-was for the first time in four decades seriously under question."
Mary FULBROOK, 1991, The Fontana History of Germany.
London : Fontana.

"[In the aftermath of communism in Russia] chauvinist, anti-Western movements are growing in influence and strength daily. "This [Boris Yeltsin's] government considers economic matters more important than the country or its people", splutters Yuri Vlasov, a writer and member of parliament who typifies the growing forces of reaction. "Foreign capital, deeply hostile to Russia and especially its culture, is hustling its way past our borders; we are living in a Russia far different from the one our fathers lived in.""
Stephen HANDELMAN, 1992, The Spectator, 22 viii.

"The virulent form of nationalism that thrived in [Germany] some forty-five years ago brought the world one of its greatest catastrophes....It is now in the name of this very same German nationalism that we are asked to recognize the right of East and West Germany to reunite....This is preposterous. German nationalism has no legitimate claim on us and will not until either the entire generation that grew up in Nazi Germany no longer plays any role in German life or until the German people, both in East and West Germany, engage in some set of public service activities.... a German reunification suffused with historical amnesia and fuelled by a desire for economic growth and power is a mortal danger to the world."
Michael LERNER (Editor of Tikkun), 1992. In H.James & Marla Stone,
. When the Wall Came Down. New York : Routledge.

"There seems to be no way of escaping the frontiers and enclosures built around us either by nations or by other kinds of communities (like Europe, Africa, the West, or Asia) that share a common language and a whole set of implied and shared characteristics.... American or British academics speak reductively and, in my view, irresponsibly, of something called "Islam"....{in a} chorus that echoes the prevailing policy view, hastening along into more corporate thinking, and into a gradually more and more irrational sense that "we" are being threatened by "them".
Edward SAID, 1993, 'Holding nations and traditions at bay'.
BBC IV UK, Reith Lecture II. Reported in The Independent, 1 vii.

"As Irish nationalists and Zionists have found, the most militant supporters often have only the most tenuous ethnic link to the cause. The most extreme African nationalists have been white communists. Group loyalty is, to some, a psychological rather than an ethnic creed."
Simon JENKINS, 1994, The Spectator, 9 iv.


"In the twentieth century there will be an extraordinary nation. This nation will be large, which will not prevent its being free. It will be illustrious, rich, thoughtful, peaceful, friendly towards the rest of humanity.... It will be called Europe."
Victor HUGO, 1867. Quoted by the U.S. Permanent Representative
to NATO, NATO Review, August 1992.

"Internationalism....was perhaps historically the first and should still be the most fundamental value of the left. There is a strong sense in which, today, it defines what it means to be on the left if anything can.... Radicals and socialists should be campaigning all-out for intervention - in Bosnia, in southern Iraq, in Somalia - to stop local tyrants from slaughtering what are thoughtlessly and wrongly called "their own people". If that's neo-colonialism, so be it. There are worse things."
Stephen HOWE, 1992, New Statesman & Society, 4 ix.

"The dilemma of Americanisation is particularly problematic for the Left-or at least it should be. They have deconstructed and dismissed the idea of nationhood as nothing more than an 'imagined construction'. Yet at the same time the Left has fought to defend the national identity and cultural sovereignty of people perceived to be victims of American cultural imperialism. But if nationhood is nothing more than a fiction, what does it matter if one fiction replaces another? Are grass skirts and goat's milk any more authentic than blue jeans and Coca-Cola? How can one fear for the future of an imagined fiction?"
Cosmo LANDESMAN, 1993, The Modern Review, x/xi.

"[The English conscience] is now up for outright purchase. Those who want to sell have called this historic transaction very simply-the Common Market. As drab a name for a monumental swindle has not been coined since a bright German ad-man thought of putting wholesale murder on the market as National Socialism."
John OSBORNE, 1994, Damn You England. London : Faber.

Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament

"....yes, some of the Greenham Common folks were lesbians, nuns, mystics, hippies, runaway wives, misfits and obsessive fanatics just looking for a cause. So what? All movements attract eccentric and obsessive people; and some movements need eccentric and obsessive people. Joan of Arc may well have been a schizophrenic - as is now alleged - but perhaps history required a schizophrenic at that time and in that place, for its purpose. God works in mysterious ways."
Mary KENNY, 1990, Sunday Telegraph, 4 ii.

(vi) Stiffer Socialism

"'Socialism' was a word apparently coined about 1830 and used, to begin with, by French intellectuals. Between then and 1848 there were innumerable schemes for ideal forms of reorganizing society in the interests of workers. Some of those ideas had roots in the French Revolution, the English Revolution of the seventeenth century, or mediaeval dreams of social regeneration. But there was a difference in the mid-nineteenth century, in that a great many intellectuals were anxious to persuade workers' movements, or to organise them, to take up such concepts and to abandon humdrum efforts to improve living standards."
H.THOMAS, 1979,
An Unfinished History of the World. London : Hamish Hamilton.

"Socialism is the creed of those who, recognising that the community exists for the improvement of the individual and for the maintenance of liberty, and that the control of the economic circumstances of life means the control of life itself, seek to build up a social organisation which will include in its activities the management of those economic instruments such as land and industrial capital that cannot be left safely in the hands of individuals. This is Socialism."
J. Ramsay MACDONALD, 1911, The Socialist Movement.

"The thing that attracts ordinary men to socialism and makes them willing to risk their skins for it, the "mystique" of socialism, is the idea of equality; to the vast majority of people socialism means a classless society, or it means nothing at all."
George ORWELL, Homage to Catalonia.

"The Labour Party is a socialist party, and proud of it."
Labour Party General Election Manifesto, 1945.

"SOCIALISM: principle that individual liberty should be completely subordinated to the interests of the community with the deductions that can be drawn from it e.g. the State ownership of land and capital."
Pocket Oxford Dictionary, 1946.

"Mankind will only be happy when the last capitalist is hanged with the guts of the last bureaucrat!"
Slogan used by students at Goethe University, Frankfurt, during
the disturbances of 1968. Recorded by W.Bittorf, 1988,
Die Wilden 68er. Spiegel pamphlet; translated by M.J.Lasky.

"'Socialism' is of course a word that thrives on vagueness, and one doubts whether many self-proclaimed socialists could in fact give a simple, coherent definition of it. Real socialism is not just social egalitarianism or welfarism; it offers a complete socio-economic system to replace capitalism and remove workers from the iniquities of the 'wage relationship'."
Noel MALCOLM, 1988, The Spectator, 2 iv.

"Marx's tragic sense of life, his social pessimism, his anti-egalitarianism, his Homeric sense of the grandeur of conflict, his splenetic contempt of wets, his deep disbelief in people's good nature, is deeply acceptable to the conservative."
John VINCENT, 1983, The Times, 16 iii.

"It is time to stop talking. It is time to start fighting."
Arthur SCARGILL (President of Britain's National Union of
Mineworkers), 1983.

"The [Iran-Iraq] war now is one in which Iran faces the world's mightiest imperial power [the USA] and its European and Arab allies. Under these circumstances Socialists are not neutral: we cannot stand with Reagan, Thatcher, Egypt's Mubarak, Saudi Arabia's King Fahd, or the Iranian monarchists who are longing for an imperialist victory over Iran and the restoration of a Shah. We are with the Iranians-for defeat of the whole coalition of forces, including Iraq, that is ranged against them."
Phil MARSHALL, 1987, Socialist Worker Review, xii.

"Only a few years, even a few months ago, in the eyes of millions of people- and, as we well know, of nearly all the French-socialism seemed to have lost the historical initiative. The most obscurantist Reaganite viewpoints were triumphant. All these givens are now overturned."
Georges MARCHAIS (Leader of the French Communist Party), 1987/8,
Cahiers du Communisme, xii/i.

"Professor V.G.Kiernan (Poets, Politics and the People) proves the worth of scientific socialism and the truth about the old adage "The poor are poor because they are robbed and robbed because they are poor.""
Dominic BEHAN, 1989, The Scotsman (Weekend), 5 viii.

"[The British Communist Party (1920-1991)] was always known to those in an around it as The Party, a sign of the heroic role members attributed to a tiny and usually ineffectual body. ....It is perhaps ironic that The Party's prime time was as a leader on foreign policy, as staunch opponent to Francoism, Fascism and Nazism. ....The Soviet invasion of Hungary in 1956 accelerated the course of British communism. It drove out many of those who cared about integrity.... [However] the idea of communism-of all resources being held in common and distributed according to need rather than to status or wealth-has been nurtured in most societies, by religious tradition as much as secular ones. It is not so much that idea, but the idea of the party as a hero, in which people have abandoned hope."
Sarah BENTON, 1992, reviewing W.Thompson, The Good Old Cause: British Communism 1920-1991. New Statesman & Society, 21 viii.

"In the doctrine of socialism there is hidden, rather badly, a "will to negate life"; the human beings or races that think up such a doctrine must be bungled. Indeed, I should wish that a few great experiments might prove that in a socialist society life negates itself, cuts off its own roots. The earth is large enough and man is still sufficiently unexhausted; hence such a practical instruction and demonstratio ad absurdum would not strike me as undesirable, even if it were gained and paid for with a tremendous expenditure of human lives."
NIETZSCHE, The Will to Power.

"State socialism is the refusal to others, and the abandonment for oneself, of all true human rights. Under it a man would have no rights over his own property, over his own labour, over his own amusements, over his own home and family-in a word, either over himself, or all that naturally and reasonably belonged to him; but he would have as his compensation (if there were ten million electors in his country) the one-ten-millionth share in the ownership of all his fellow men (including himself) and of all that naturally and reasonably belonged to them and not to him."
Auberon HERBERT, c. 1890.
Quoted by G.Wheatcroft, The Spectator, 24/31 xii 1988.

"Man's slavish instincts Galton regarded as inconsistent with the spirit of tolerance, co-operativeness and self-sufficiency on which a socialist state could be successfully built. Galton was apparently not hostile to socialism; but he felt that it called for a wider distribution of noble qualities than was yet found in civilized societies."
C.P.BLACKER, 1952, Eugenics: Galton and After.
London : Duckworth.

"There is the horrible-the really disquieting-prevalence of cranks wherever Socialists are gathered together. One sometimes gets the impression that the mere words 'socialism' and 'communism' draw towards them with magnetic force every fruit-juice drinker, nudist, sandal-wearer, sex maniac, Quaker, 'nature-cure' quack, pacifist and feminist in England."
George ORWELL, c.1935.

"....perhaps the most grievous [error of socialism] is the illusion that egotism is purely a fruit of a capitalistic system.... The utopian illusion is in turn the root of Marxist fanaticism."
Reinhold NIEBUHR, 1943, The Spectator, 4 vi.

"....the two most important emotions of the Labour Party are a doctrinaire faith in nationalization, without knowing what it means, and a doctrinaire faith in pacifism, without facing its consequences."
R.H.CROSSMAN (later Labour Cabinet Minister), 1957,
Diaries. London : Hamish Hamilton & Cape, 1975-7.

"Mob lawlessness is a psychological problem for the Left....A little bit of them thrills to the sights and sounds of proletarian violence.
Peregrine WORSTHORNE, 1983, Sunday Telegraph, 18 xii.

"The Labour Party still contains a good number of those who are educationally sub-normal and in need of remedial treatment."
Alan WATKINS, 1983, The Observer.

"If the 'Left' has so often found itself pilloried as the anti-national party, this is because it has so often contained members who behaved as if they were the friends of every country except their own."
Lord BLAKE, 1985.

"Socialism requires constant expropriation as a condition of its survival: it needs a perpetual process of intervention against individual actions. It demands in practice a kind of dictatorship."
Ronald BUTT, 1985, The Times, 21 iii.

"For much of the twentieth century, it seemed that Socialism was advancing and that Conservatism was in retreat. Even a few Conservatives began to fear that Socialism would triumph - that the future would be one of nationalized industries, central economic planning, municipal housing, and the gradual disappearance of the entrepreneur and of almost anyone else who did not either work for or depend upon the Leviathan state."
Margaret THATCHER, 15 v 1987.

"It is not every day that a trade union leader puts in a good word for two convicted killers. But Mr Arthur Scargill [President of Britain's National Union of Miners] is sui generis and he has thought it fitting to speak for the two miners jailed for the manslaughter of a taxi-driver when they dropped concrete on his car from a bridge during the miner's strike [in 1985]."
Leading article, The Times, 29 vi 1988.

"The pacifist and human groups [in East Germany] have felt encouraged by Gorbachev's policy of glasnost in working for societal renewal. Confronted by the mounting protest movement, Honecker's regime has reacted in the traditional repressive fashion: raids, searches, beatings, arrests, interrogations, imprisonments and expulsions. But instead of deterring them, this tactic has further radicalized the independent groups."
Victor TISMANEANU, 1989, 'Nascent civil society in the German
Democratic Republic'. Problems of Communism 38, iii/iv.

"[Soon after escaping from East Germany, the disillusionment of Wolf Rotenbecher, a doctor,] with the left in the West was set in concrete: "I was shocked to see their youth wing [in the West German Social Democratic Party] talk about socialist goals and objectives that we knew were nonsense. For those of us who had grown up in the East, socialism had become a bad word. We had outlived all that; we were post-socialists."
Peter MILLAR, 1989, Sunday Times, 10 ix.

"Mr [Tony] Benn warns Soviet citizens to distrust a "new group of governors, in the name of reform". For a man of these opinions, the past eighteen months must have presented a depressing spectacle. No cautious optimism at the spread of democracy; no Schadenfreude at the downfall of tyrants; no sympathy for the happiness of Berliners as they tore down their wall. The emotion most strongly evinced by Mr Benn is one of nostalgia for the old regime, for "the immense achievements of the Soviet government since 1917"."
'Last word', Independent on Sunday, 25 ii 1990.

"[H.G.Wells] envisaged and encouraged a society where government murder would take place and where 'these swarms of black and brown and dingy white and yellow people who do not come into the needs of efficiency....will have to go'.... Michael Foot {former UK Labour Prime Minister}[in his biography, The History of Mr Wells] partly denies all this but mostly just ignores it. His Wells is, above all things, a socialist and as such above suspicion or criticism."
M.COREN, 1995, The Spectator, 21 x.

"[Jacques Derrida's] Specters of Marx (Routledge, 1995) is a book of and about mourning. It is about the attempt to "ontologise remains, to make them present, in the first place by identifying the bodily remains and by the bodily remains and by localising the dead.... It turns shilly-shallying into an art form."
Graham McCANN, 1995, Times Higher Educational Supplement, 3 ii.

(vii) Softer socialism (and what Americans call 'liberalism')

"The socialist seeks to make an orderly plan for the half-conceived wilderness of human effort."

"Socialism is what Labour government does was the adage of Herbert Morrison.... The practical achievements that such an outlook produced are not to be sneered at."
Gordon MARSDON, 1993, New Statesman & Society, 9 iv.

"Marx has little or nothing to offer the contemporary socialist, either in respect of practical policy, or of the correct analysis of our society, or even of the right conceptual tools or framework. His prophecies have been almost without exception falsified, and his conceptual tools are now quite inappropriate."
Tony CROSLAND (a leading Labour Party intellectual of the
1960's and the author, in 1956, of The Future of Socialism).
Quoted by M.Ivens & R.Dunstan, Bachman's Book of
Freedom Quotations
. London : Bachman & Turner, 1978.

"I am revising Marxism and will emerge as the modern Bernstein."
Tony CROSLAND, 1940, in a letter cited by Susan Crosland,
Tony Crosland. London : Jonathan Cape, 1982.

"Until quite recently, it was not easy to convince anyone of the linkage between sixties radicalism and postmodernist criticism. The very suggestion verged on a kind of intellectual lèse majesté. But now, thanks in part to radicalism's triumph in the university {as 'postmodernism'}, the cat is at last out of the bag, not only in the New York Times, but also in Newsweek, Time, The Atlantic, New York and elsewhere."
Peter SHAW, 1991, 'Academic Marxism and communism's fall.'
Academic Questions 4.

"Even with the perceived collapse and splintering of the New Left of the sixties, most of its values have been taken up by impassioned single-issue groups: radical feminists, black extremists (secular or religious), radical environmentalists, activist homosexuals, multiculturalists, postmodern academics, and others."
Paul HOLLANDER, 1996, 'Reassessing the adversary culture.' Academic Questions 9.

"I know perfectly well that the statutory prices and incomes policy is one of the few things which makes the difference between a socialist and a Tory Government. ....And yet, whenever I sit at this Committee [of the Department of Housing] I come to the conclusion that a statutory policy is unworkable." "There is no intrinsic fairness in planning, it is
by nature unfair."
Richard CROSSMAN (UK Housing Minister in the Labour Government
of 1964-66), The Diaries of a Cabinet Minister.

"There is a discernible affinity between the Bloomsbury ethos, which puts a premium on immediate and present satisfaction, and Keynesian economics, which is based entirely on the short run."
Gertrude HIMMELFARB, 1986, Marriage and Morals among the
Victorians and Other Essays
. London : Faber & Faber.

"When the International Monetary Fund foreclosed on Britain [in 1977], it foreclosed on Croslandism." {See above.}
Peter JENKINS, 1987,
Mrs Thatcher's Revolution. London : Jonathan Cape.

"If you want to retain power you have got to listen to what people-our people -say and what they want. If you talk to people in the factories and in the clubs, they all want to pay less tax. They are more interested in that than the Government giving money away in other directions."
James CALLAGHAN (UK Prime Minister and Leader of the British
Labour Party), c.1978, to the National Executive Committee of the
Labour Party. Cited by P.Jenkins, Mrs Thatcher's Revolution.
London : Jonathan Cape, 1987.

"I myself disagree with Mr [Roy] Hattersley's [Croslandite] all-embracing definition of freedom [as including 'having the necessary resources....', 'being able to....']. It derives originally from the Oxford neo-Hegelians of the nineteenth century, notably T.H.Green who, as a Liberal, wanted something wider than J.S.Mill's definition [of freedom as 'being free from...']. Unlike Mr Hattersley, I think a tramp is still free to go to Paris even though he has no money; a millionaire is not similarly free if he has his passport taken away by the Government. A confusion between, on the one hand, freedom and, on the other, ability, capacity or (if you like) power is not only a cause of political muddle but an excuse for political evil. As with Benthamite utilitarianism, the greatest happiness of the greatest number, an increase in 'freedom' can be used to justify virtually anything."
Alan WATKINS, 1988, The Observer, 12 vi.

"Modern liberalism suffers unresolved contradictions. It exalts individualism and freedom and, on its radical wing, condemns social orders as oppressive. On the other hand, it expects government to provide materially for all, a feat manageable only by an expansion of authority and a swollen bureaucracy."
Camille PAGLIA, 1992, Sexual Personae: Art and Decadence from Nefertiti to Emily Dickinson. Harmondsworth : Penguin.

"Does contemporary liberalism have a future? No. Many white liberals are so embarrassed by low levels of academic performance and high levels of criminal and antisocial behavior by blacks that they are destroying {classically} liberal institutions such as free speech, race neutrality, the legal presumption of innocence, and equal rights under the law in order to compel equal results for racial groups."
Dinesh D'SOUZA, 1995, The End of Racism. New York : Free Press.

"What we call liberalism nowadays isn't so much an idea as an attitude, an attitude of repudiation. You always have to be ready, willing and eager to take the next step away from the settled beliefs of the West. That's what it means to be "progressive"-on socialism, sex, abortion, whatever. Soon it will be pedophilia. Right now, liberal opinion on that subject is about where it was on homosexuality thirty years ago. First we are told we have to take a diagnostic rather than a moralistic view: it's a condition more to be pitied than censured. Once this attitude is established, the condition soon becomes a matter of right. And so, by increments, old traditions are discredited. They are "medieval", and anything medieval is barbarous. (Medieval culture is the only culture liberalism doesn't regard with tolerant relativism.)....Having [once] renounced revelation, liberalism is now in the process of renouncing nature itself. It refuses to admit that even homosexuality is in any sense unnatural; but then, as you may have noticed, the word "unnatural" has fallen out of the liberal lexicon."
'How to be a Liberal', Sobran's, viii 1996.

(viii) Modern Democratic Socialism

Involving not just a mixture of Marxists and Social Democrats, the British Labour Party "is more an alliance of trade unionists of various political views, usually Leftist party activists, largely apathetic (and often reactionary) voters, and now increasingly, middle-class MP's, though those MP's are often of working-class origin."
Alan WATKINS, 1981, The Observer, 7 vi.

"What is unsocialist about high defence spending, whether conventional or nuclear, or about opposing immigration and sternly punishing violent crime? Such policies would appeal to working-class preoccupations and sort perfectly well with welfarism and a planned economy and protection."
Charles MOORE, 1983, The Spectator.

"The disabled, exhausted, disillusioned, chronically ill, unemployed or unemployable, unsuccessful, underprivileged, insecure, or those who are frustrated incline to invoke a more humane, less competitive, less strenuous economy. This is what Socialism represented and still represents."
Branko BOKUN, 1986, Humour Therapy. London : Vita Books.

"Yes and no to the State. We need it to further the national welfare and to protect us; but democratic socialism is now, not only in Britain, very sceptical, almost hostile, to putting too much reliance on the state - cultural pluralism is a positive value now, not just a sociological description of the debris of imperfectly articulated class formations, etc. All power does corrupt: some levels are not safe."
Bernard CRICK, 1986, New Statesman , 19/26 xii.

"A theory of an associationalist socialism in a pluralist State is the doctrine which best secures socialism a future."
Paul HIRST, 1987, New Statesman, 6 iii.

"Can we not offer the people we want to attract a stake in their own homes, in their own jobs and in the community? - That is socialism."
Brian GOULD (Labour Shadow Cabinet Member, and contender for the
leadership when Mr Neil Kinnock stood down in 1992), 1987,
BBC IV UK, 27 ix.

"Democratic socialists should be appealing to the very instincts which Thatcherite Conservatism has attempted to take to its soul....beliefs in self-reliance and self-determination, a desire to have the dignity of looking after yourself and not having the state or local bureaucracy telling you what to do or how to do it."
David BLUNKETT (Labour M.P.), 1987,
cited by D.Selbourne, New Statesman & Society, 16 x.

"What could Labour offer [in 1987]? Individualism became the buzz word. ....preposterously, Kinnock was talking about 'socialist individualism'. There was nothing socialist about individualism. That was the point of [socialism], the assertion of social or collective values over the values of an atomised, individualistic society. But here was Kinnock: 'With the dispersal of the population, the experience of being part of a collective is not as strong as it used to be. Our initial approach has got to be from the party to the individual. They have got to be told (sic) that socialism is the answer for them because socialism looks after the individual.'"
Peter JENKINS, 1987,
Mrs Thatcher's Revolution. London : Jonathan Cape.

"....it is clear-setting aside all moral arguments-that the State simply cannot afford to go on providing all the services from cradle to grave piled on it by successive governments since the introduction of the Welfare State after the Second World War. ....Individuals have to accept more responsibility for themselves and less help from the State. That much is generally agreed. The argument is over how much the State should be expected to provide."
Editorial, The Observer, 29 v 1988.

"Writing as an MP and an economist, Austin Mitchell [Labour MP] redefines Labour's priorities in economic policy and looks towards expansion, growth and success. Critically examining Labour and Conservative economic policy over the last 40 years, he evokes the central problems facing a Labour government and persuades us that the dynamics of British society and socialism can be transformed by expansion."
Publisher's announcement, 1988, for A.Mitchell,
Expansionary Socialism. London : Hutchinson.

"The future of socialism depends on the failure of capitalism, and to force the issue now would only strengthen the Tory grip on the electorate. The responsibility of those who believe that capitalism will become critically enfeebled is to convince, first the party, then the electors that they are capable of replacing it with socialist planning, which is essential to ensure full employment. What is required for this purpose is not class war clichés, but a computerized plan, geared to Britain's crucial dependence on exports and showing precisely where and by what means the unemployed would be given work."
Brian MAY, 1988, New Socialist, x/xi.

"....it would be facile to pretend there are not tensions between modern socialist formulations [involving an enabling collective provision that entails pluralism] and Labour's past. The choice is between a libertarian approach to social policy which responds to a new diversity in society, and atavistic and outdated forms of state provision-forms which have often proved authoritarian and restricting in their effects on people's lives."
Sue GOSS, 1988, New Socialist, x/xi.

"The left has come to know just how deeply the socialist tradition has been wounded, practically and morally, by neglecting the democratic arguments of Thomas Paine, Jefferson, John Stuart Mill. There is a return, inspired by reformers throughout eastern Europe, to ideas of civil society, of plural interests and initiatives from below. ....The new democratic thinking of the left is strongest in issue-based movements for change, movements independent of party, free from the inhibitions of block-vote bartering and electoral calculation - movements like Charter 88 and the Scottish Constitutional Convention, like END and Friends of the Earth, like feminism and gay rights."
Editorial, New Statesman & Society, 28 iv 1989.

"[On the left, there is a] rising tide of thoughtful articles, policy initiatives and joint work with socialist parties on the continent. Still lacking is any inspirational drive or vision. The shadow of Roy Jenkins [former Labour Chancellor, President of the European Economic Community, and founder of the Social Democratic Party] as seen in his ineffably silly though well-lunched Euro-memoirs still hangs over Europe; Europeanists....have to use coded language for fear of being accused of succumbing to the Jenkins heresy."
Denis McSHANE, 1989, New Socialist, vi/vii.

"John Mortimer, Melvyn Bragg and Harold Pinter are wealthy, but they [vote] Labour. They place emphasis on greater social cohesion, compassion and a less strenuous attempt to make the economy efficient.... A Labour vote is less an acknowledgment of interests than an expression of feeling. For some, that is the only worthwhile human response. A Labour government is a thing of passion, which is its justification and its nemesis."
Brian WALDEN, 1990, Sunday Times, 15 iv.

"Socialism is about choice, opportunity, co-operation and liberty. Participation and upward mobility, not marginalisation and subsistence. We must become a party that unites men and women of different ages, races, sexes, backgrounds and regions in a common purpose. Employment opportunity in a strong economy. The battle against poverty, ill health and ignorance. Environment protection and support for a policy of global development. The defeat of all forms of discrimination. These are our objectives."
Paul BOATENG (British Labour M.P.; candidate in 1992 National
Executive Committee Elections), 1992. Candidates' statements
and biographical details.
Walworth Rd, London : Labour Party.

"Social democracy's difficulties in Germany, indeed across Europe, come from its acceptance by much of the continent's political class. The fact that Helmut Kohl never attempted to pursue anything vaguely resembling Thatcherism or Reaganism has much to do with the successful integration of social democratic values into the mainstream of West German policies."
Andrei S. MARKOVITS (Professor of Political Science, Univ. Boston), 1992. In H.James & Marla Stone, When the Wall Came Down. New York : Routledge.

"The major political event of the twentieth century is the death of socialism."
Irving KRISTOL, c.1985.

"There are indeed those who call themselves socialists; but it is like holding on to the picture of someone once loved, now dead or forgotten. There is the disappearance of a genuine, distinctive, identifiable Left, especially in America. The Left received its coup de grace during the great Children's Crusade of the 1960's that reduced a number of major universities to a kind of academic rubble."
Robert NISBET, 1986,
The Making of Modern Society. Brighton : Wheatsheaf.

"....Western intellectuals adhering to the socialist vision, be it in its Marxist or some other articulation, may serve as a very clear illustration of the meta-empirical nature of a true myth. ....If the Soviet Union could no longer be held up as the locale of realized socialist ideals, then it had to be China; if not China, then Cuba or Vietnam or Mozambique of Nicaragua, and so on, in principle ad infinitum. Nothing illustrates the impermeability of myth to empirical disconfirmation as powerfully as the propensity of intellectuals to locate "true socialism" in one place after another - an endlessly shifting topography of the mind, propelled by a dialectic of hope, disappointment, and hope rekindled."
P.L.BERGER, 1987, The Capitalist Revolution. Aldershot : Gower.

"Tacit approval of the communist status quo in Eastern Europe reached the highest echelons of the West German Social Democratic hierarchy in a bizarre -though telling-incident in December 1981. SPD Chancellor Helmut Schmidt spent a sequestered weekend consulting with GDR chief Erich Honecker-in the latter's country house-while General Jaruszelski's troops were imposing martial law in neighbouring Poland. Schmidt was not sufficiently disturbed by the events to break off the meeting."
Andrei S. MARKOVITS, 1992. In H.James & Marla Stone,
When the Wall Came Down. New York : Routledge.

"....if there is not a utopian, imaginative movement in the development of socialist strategies, they will wither for lack of hope."
Hilary WAINWRIGHT, 1987, New Statesman, 4 ix.

"It is always possible to avoid looking at deep-seated problems by taking out our frustrations on the 'if onlys' of politics. If only the Greenwich Labour Party had selected Glenys Thornton instead of Deirdre Wood; if only Arthur Scargill and Derek Hatton had taken a one-way flight to Chernobyl last spring; if only Neil Kinnock spoke in shorter sentences. These matters are all worthy of comment, but they do not reach the heart of the problem. Labour has a more fundamental handicap which threatens to reduce the party to the role of impotent observer from the sidelines: it has no basic, agreed or understood purpose."
Peter KELLNER, 1987, New Statesman, 27 ii.

"What has been striking about the decades since 1945 has been the remarkable paucity of ideas about what a future socialist society would imply for its citizens."
John SAVILLE, 1988,
The Labour Movement in Britain. London : Faber & Faber.

"The Left is intellectually dead. The body still thrashes about and can do damage still, but it is a body without a head or a brain."
Digby ANDERSON, 1988, Sunday Telegraph, 10 viii.

"....despite Patricia Hewitt's anxious pleas [for unity] in the New Statesman, Labour is no clearer now about "where it is going" than ever. As for its new-found "greening", feminism and Europeanism, they are the most superficial of changed positions. Labour, after all, remains a smoke-stack, male-dominated and insular movement, even more out of its depth in Europe than are the Tories."
David SELBOURNE, 1989,
Sunday Times (News Focus), 13 viii.

"[Eric Hobsbawm's] analysis of the crisis of the classic labour movement demands far more than red roses and Hugh Hudson movies, the trimming of the policy review and a turning away from "extremism". Hobsbawm's point is that the epoch of the labour movements of the world has passed, and with it the class consciousness which gave them strength; that the parties which remain are holding together a crumbling alliance of interests and groups; and that, essentially, they need a new strategy."
Stuart WEIR, 1989,
Sunday Times (Books), 11 vi.

Headline in The Guardian, c. 4 x 1989, reporting the annual
Labour Party conference after a year of policy modification (e.g.
retaining British nuclear weapons and prohibiting secondary

"A social democrat is not a dogmatic socialist....he may not be a socialist at all....but, unlike Mrs Thatcher, he believes in society....."
Lord Roy Jenkins of Hillhead (Founder-member and Leader
of the British Social Democrats of the 1980's; speaking on the
day when it was announced that the Labour Party Leader, Mr
Tony Blair, regarded himself as a social democrat),
BBC Radio IV UK, 2 ix 1996, 0815hrs.

(ix) The Left-Right divide and its interpretation.

"The term right - with its twin, left - ....seems to have begun its life as a mere label. At the French estates of 1789, the nobles, deeming themselves entitled to the place of honour, sat on the right of the president, and their lowlier opponents were therefore relegated to the left.... {By the right is meant} those who seek to safeguard private property and prescriptive rights, and by the left those who would encroach on them."
E.KEDOURIE, 1970, 'The history of ideas and guilt by association'. The Spectator, 1 xii.

"The history of all hitherto existing societies is the history of class struggles."
Karl MARX & Friedrich ENGELS, 1848, The Communist Manifesto.

"....practically, the spirit which abhors a national Church has been found also to abhor the institutions which give political predominance to the educated classes."
Lord SALISBURY (UK Prime Minister, 1885-6, 1886-92,
1895-1902), e.g. 1861, The Quarterly Review.

"[In Britain of the 1950s] the names Left and Right covered not only ideological factionalism but atavistic tribalism within the Labour Party."
Peter CLARKE, 1991, A Question of Leadership: from Gladstone to
London : Hamish Hamilton.

"What a mysterious thing "the Left" is! Why is this person Left and that person Right? What binds the [Left] Group [in the Labour Party] together?....One of the things we object to most strongly is the blind loyalty of the Right, but really the left of the Party shows that kind of loyalty just as strongly.....The definition of the Left is a group of people who will never be happy unless they can convince themselves that they are about to be betrayed by their leaders."
Richard CROSSMAN ('Left' affiliate, later Labour Cabinet
Minister), 1951. From Janet Morgan (ed.), The Diaries
of Richard Crossman.
London : Hamish Hamilton and Cape, 1981.

"....housing tenure [owner-occupier vs Council tenant] is slightly more significant as a determinant of voting than....class structure."
M.STEED, 1986, reviewing R.Rose and M.McAllister, Voters Begin to
; Times Higher Educational Supplement, 24 x.

"Implicit in the conservatism of the Right is a profound regard for the complexity and fragility of the social and economic order; and a consequent fear that policy interventions may do more harm and injustice than good. By contrast, the activist impulses of the Left derive from the view that a free society is the natural incubator of ills and injustices. The Left assumes that society has an infinite capacity to absorb the changes it imposes on it."
The Triumph of Politics. London : Bodley Head.

"If modern socialist supporters can....be characterized as Utopian, one clear prediction is that they would have a particularly wide range of scores on measures of authoritarianism versus humanitarianism that managed to tap such a dimension at a personological level; conversely, if modern conservatives are broadly Legitimistic, the prediction would be that they would vary widely on such personality traits as project on to the dimension of hedonism versus moralism.
C.R.BRAND, 1986, in S. & Celia Modgil,
A.R.Jensen: Consensus and Controversy. Brighton : Falmer.

"What is striking, and forms the principal conclusion of the study [I.Budge et al., Ideology, Strategy and arty Change, CUP]
is the almost ubiquitous appearance of a bi-polar Left-
Right cleavage in almost all the 19 countries analysed, the main exceptions being countries such as the Irish Republic or Israeli where there is over-riding preoccupation with national identity or security. ideological labels which stem from the period between the French and Russian Revolutions."
V.BOGDANOR, 1987, 'Manifesto promises',
Times Higher Educational Supplement, 9 x.

"Rice growers must co-operate to ensure the widest distribution of river water. A Utopian spirit comes into its own in such a context-whether imposing authority for the good of the community, or championing welfare in the name of good labour discipline. Wheat growers, by contrast, have little need to co-operate: in the Caucasoid social system, the free (and even lonely) individual is responsible chiefly for his own family. Wheat growers' attitudes and understandings thus tend towards Legitimism, in which freedom and individual responsibility are valued more than monarchs or 'communities'."
C.R.BRAND, 1989, Personality & Individual Differences 10.

"In the last century, down to about 1876, the division in respectable democracies was between a lefter party, which believed in the freest possible markets, and a righter party, which believed (to plagiarise a former Labour MP) in not being quite so Thatcherite as to sell the local cathedral close to Tesco. ....During the depression of the late 1870's, the European left moved temporarily (i.e. for a century or so) away from pragmatism to start supporting two alternative sorts of socialism, which are still sometimes incongruously mixed, but have more usually proceeded to fight each other. They are socialism based on hate, and socialism based on theory."
Norman MACRAE, 1989, Sunday Times (News Focus), 11 vi.

"Labour appeals to the envy and idleness of the poor; the Alliance [of Liberals and Social Democrats] may appeal to the sense of moral and intellectual superiority or possibly the social insecurity of a further group; while the Conservative Party appeals to the avarice and defensiveness of the well-to-do."
Auberon WAUGH, 1987, The Spectator, 25 iv.

"Conservatives want to make the world better by keeping everything just the same as what it is now.....Liberals want to make it better by making everything different....Bolsheviks want to make it better by killing everybody."
Richmal Crompton's 'William', cited by Paul Webb,
The Spectator, 24 iii 1990.

"The man of the Left, having digested Marx, rolls up his sleeves and decides to 'change life'; the man of the Right, having ridden with d'Artagnan, prepares to raise the tone of his own life. On the Left, the belief that happiness is achievable through collective action. On the Right, the obvious fact that no human being can ever escape from the shackles of his own angels and demons. On the Left, the project; on the Right, the demand. On the Left, the weight of an ideology. On the Right, the grace of solitary vigour. On the Left, quantifiable certainties; on the Right, the glorious uncertainty of sport. On the Left, committees; on the Right, the Musketeers."
Denis TILLINAC (the arch-Gaullist French writer), quoted by
John Laughland, The Spectator, 12 ix 1992.

"Striking a balance is often a necessary thing in politics, and Tories are justly proud of their capacity to do it. According to traditional caricature, Tories strike a balance, Liberals strike an attitude, and Labour just strikes.... But what I am perfectly happy to predict is that all would-be balance-strikers will tumble from their high wires sooner or later.... Mr Major does not know [this], and so he will fail."
Charles MOORE, 1994, The Spectator, 18 vi.

"It is no longer a case of one party fighting another, nor of one set of politicians scoring off another. It is the case of successive governments facing economic problems, and being judged by their success or failure in the duel....The compass has been damaged. The charts are out of date."
Winston CHURCHILL, 1930, quoted by P.Clarke, A Question of Leadership. London : Hamish Hamilton, 1991.

"....tories and socialists are to the historian only allies who happen to have fallen out with one another."
Herbert BUTTERFIELD, 1949, Christianity and History. Glasgow : G.Bell & Sons.

"I am a socialist in economics, a liberal in politics, and a conservative in culture."
Daniel BELL, c.1980.

"....one who is not a socialist in his youth has no heart; one who remains a socialist in middle age has no head."
H.J.EYSENCK, 1982,
Personality, Genetics and Behaviour. New York : Praeger.

"I wonder how much relevance these terms Right and Left really have."
David OWEN (Leader of Britain's Social Democratic Party of the
1980's), 1983.

"The idea that politics can be understood by ranging all opinions along a single continuum is evidently a delusion of simple minds...."
Kenneth MINOGUE, 1986, Sunday Telegraph, 7 xii.

"Rigby and Rump (1982, J.Social Psychol.) showed that a series of cognitive style measures correlated with measures of conservatism and acceptance of authority. ....Such items as "Politically, I am something of a radical" were used to measure 'cognitive complexity'! No wonder such items predicted radicalism vs conservatism!"
J.J.RAY, 1989, Personality & Individual Differences 10.

"....the appropriate image for differing ideologies is not a spectrum, but a circle on which differing beliefs ultimately meet if they become extreme enough."
Sean FRENCH, 1992, New Statesman & Society, 4 ix.

(x) Extremism, authoritarianism and totalitarianism

"....since the French Revolution, and particularly during this century, Europeans invented and perfected a demoniac kind of politics, whereby men of terrible and destructive energy, a Hitler or a Lenin, seduce large masses of people into the belief that political action is a passport to salvation, enjoining on their followers, to quote Nkrumah's parody of the Sermon on the Mount: 'Seek ye first the political kingdom, and all things shall be added unto you.' Such a style of politics is beyond left and right, and is irrelevant to such a distinction."
E.KEDOURIE, 1970, 'The history of ideas and guilt by association'. The Spectator, 1 xii.

"The anarchy of uncontrolled competition must be resolved; democracy exposed as a vile tool in the hands of the enemies of the people; class and party warfare abolished; and a corporate system introduced, providing for the expert representation of all sections of the community in industrial and national councils meeting together, not for the discordant advancement of sectional interests, but for the harmonious advancement of the interests of the state as a whole. Purchasing power must everywhere be increased, the demands of our own fellow-countrymen met by the development of our own industries and of our own vast Imperial resource; poverty must be replaced by plenty; flabby defeatism by a virile will to live and achieve. Thus will the foundations be laid for the long-term policy which is destined to secoure among our people a unity of apperception upon so high a level of awareness that the social conscience will go step by step with the changing needs of the times, making it impossible for the essential dignity of human life ever again to be degraded by the overlordship of profiteers whose quick-thinking brains and ape-like morals still constitute so large a menace to our race."
A.K.CHESTERTON, c. 1930, 'Corporate state or crime state?'
Published by British Union of Fascists.

"[In Czechoslovakia, after 1948] we were organized in political and interest groups espousing Communist ideology from childhood on. Ideologically, group membership was valued above any other type of relationship, and the illusion was maintained that all persons were equal....Opposition or deviation was punished by execution, imprisonment, or social ostracism and economic deprivation. ....Stalin was raised to the position of semi-religious leader, all-knowing, a symbolic father of his people. He was often called "our light, our good father, our sun, our saviour".... Outsiders were ostracized and punished as heretics or traitors. Equalization was further promoted by state ownership of formerly private property, which enforced the illusion that all got the same."
Olga MARLIN (Brooklyn Institute for Psychotherapy and
Psychoanalysis), 1991, in J.Offerman-Zuckerberg,
Politics and Psychology. New York : Plenum.

"Questioner: Was communism invented by scientists or by politicians?
Answer: By politicians.
Questioner: I thought so. That's why they didn't try it out on rats first."

"Tiny, skinny and withdrawn, at school {the later dictator of Spain, Francisco Franco} was nicknamed cerellito (little matchstick); and at the military academy in Toledo he was, for his puny physique and piping voice, known as 'Franquito' and ragged for his goody-goody ways."
D.MITCHELL, 1994, London Magazine 33.

"To have flirted, still more to have lived long in sin, with Marxism or Fascism must be a sign of defective intellect or character. It is not a minor, forgettable and easily remediable lapse of taste, like wearing brown shoes with a blue suit. It indicates that something is or was badly wrong."
Colin WELCH, 1983, The Spectator.

"....between 1937 and 1953, 60,000 people were unlawfully shot in Leningrad, and it is only right that they should be rehabilitated and their names should be restored, not only in the interest of their families and friends but also for the sake of our history."
Lieutenant-General Anatoli Alekseyevich KURKOV (the boss of the
Leningrad KGB, in a first-ever press interview), 1989,
Sunday Times, 17 ix .

"The pulling power of communism is identical to that of fascism: an appeal to the lowest common denominator. The difference is that communism makes a virtue of it. "We are all equal", the demagogue declares, taking care to point out a few chosen exceptions to prove his rule: Jews, freemasons, priests, shopkeepers, aristocrats. Pick and mix according to the audience." Peter MILLAR, 1989, Sunday Times, 11 vi.

"In so many ways [in Eastern Europe], on this anniversary of 1939, the wheel is turning full circle: the communist system is disintegrating, and we are in sight of achieving the aims of our brave decision to go to war in 1939."
Norman STONE, 1989, '1989: the war we finally won the war'.
Sunday Times (News Focus), 3 ix.

"Since the collapse of communism and the dawn of democracy in Africa and Latin America, it is the Muslim world that has assumed the dubious mantle of the last bastion of opposition to Western liberal democracy and the free market. [According to David Pryce-Jones, At War With Modernity (Institute for European Defence and Strategic Studies)], whilst the Islamic world once had a tradition of achievement in science and culture, its equally long tradition of political absolutism has resulted in stagnation and tyranny. ....Operation Desert Storm may yet "come to be seen as the first of a series of international police actions against absolute power-holders"."
'Books in Brief', 1992, Laissez-Faire 1, 4.

"Having been rejected by the Labour Party, Lenin's followers began a 70-year career of infiltration and manipulation that still goes on.... Leninists believe that they, and only they, have the correct socialist perspective. In consequence, they hold that they have the right to infiltrate and manipulate any organisation they see fit, disciplining, expelling and eliminating any groups or individuals who get in the way. The rank and file of the organisations targeted in this way are constantly being told they are being "betrayed" by backsliding leaders, and that the first task of the organisation is to eliminate the backsliders. The treatment is not exclusively reserved for political parties. Any organisation, from Anti-Apartheid and the CND to modes tenants' and community groups can find itself on the receiving end."
Trevor FISHER, 1992, New Statesman & Society, 23 x.

"Vast infusions of oil wealth allow Saddam to equip his security forces with the latest technology. [In Iraq,] artists, intellectuals and business leaders are co-opted and coerced into singing the praises of "President Nebuchadnezzar", the "genius" of Iraq."
{Probably from a review in Times Higher Educational Supplement, 1995.}

"Ask any Iraqi you meet if they love their president and are voting on Sunday and they look to see who is listening. They are scared Saddam's eyes and ears are everywhere.... Saddam's reconstruction of central Baghdad, though, is impressive. Bridges span the Tigris River again and bombed buildings are repaired thanks to sanctions-busting and smuggling. Baghdad's new Telecom Tower is the third-highest in the world.... Things may be scarce but there are more monuments, statues and portraits in Baghdad to "The Leader, Teacher, Thinker and Holy Warrior" than ever before."
Daniel McGRORY, 1995, Daily Express, 13 x.

(xi) Fanaticism, resentment, paranoia and (racial) hostility.
(Re 'racism', see also Quotes XXIV.)

"The most detestable example of fanaticism is that of the bourgeois of Paris who hastened in St Bartholomew's night to assassinate, butcher, throw out of the windows and to cut in pieces their fellow citizens who did not go to mass."
VOLTAIRE, Philosophical Dictionary.

"The French Revolution gave the modern world political fanaticism. In this respect it differed immensely from the American Revolution a decade later. Washington, Jefferson, Adams, and the others who led the [American] Revolution were men of deep faith in what they were doing, but their revolution was finite in goal, limited to separation from Great Britain. ....There was nothing, at least among the leaders, of the spirit of fanatical faith, of desire to continue the revolution until all conventions and habits had been changed, until perfection had been reached at last in the world."
Robert NISBET, 1982, Prejudices: a Philosophical Dictionary.
Cambridge, MA : Harvard University Press.

"Mass immigration at the turn of the century and fears that America would be swamped by foreigners provided new impetus for the Klan. By 1925 it could boast 5 million members and another wave of lynchings, shootings and whippings swept the nation. By this time the Klan had added Catholics, Jews, foreigners and organised labour to its list of enemies."
Russell MILLER, 1992, Sunday Times (Magazine), 11 x.

"There are various forms of modern messianism (not confined to Nazis or Communists) against which the twentieth century ought to be on its guard."
Herbert BUTTERFIELD, 1949, Christianity and History. Glasgow : G.Bell & Sons.

"It is....true that those with an inability to form personal relationships often seek compensation in an abstract love of humanity; and that a wholesale rejection of tradition, which Paul Johnson (1988, Intellectuals) calls the "inherited wisdom of civilization", renders the most powerful intellects curiously helpless and receptive to vulgar ideologies."
Jaroslaw ANDERS, 1988, Times Literary Supplement, 7-13 x.

"....Marx and Engels, in their journalism, advocated racial as well as class extermination.... The avowed racialism of Marx and Engels, Shaw and Wells, is not to be answered by silence concerning those passages in their writings, public as well as private, in which they advocated genocide on Socialist grounds."
George WATSON, 1990, Encounter 74, i/ii.

"....to see and hear [Hitler] speak, in his ungrammatical, badly pronounced pseudo-German, gesticulating like a puppet jerked here and there by its master, made an indelible impression on me-an impression of naked evil, of original sin, if you like, of unimaginable viciousness and cruelty. I [in 1930, in Berlin, aged 14] had never felt such a strong emotion in my life; and when he
ended his rantings, and everybody raised their hands in salute, shouting 'Sieg Heil!', I turned round and whistled Land of Hope and Glory as a puny and utterly ineffectual protest. I knew at that moment that war was inevitable, that Jews, gypsies, and all sorts of cripples, mental defectives and other 'Untermenschen' would be tortured and killed-let alone my fellow-socialists and Communists."
Hans EYSENCK, 1990, Rebel with a Cause. London : W.H.Allen.
"Kurt Ludecke, who first heard [Hitler] speak in 1922, remembered: 'When the man stepped forward on the platform, there was almost no applause. He stood silent for a moment. Then he began to speak, quietly and ingratiatingly at first. Before long his voice had risen to a hoarse shriek that gave an extraordinary effect of an intensity of feeling. Critically I studied this slight, pale man, his dark brown hair parted on one side and falling again and again over his sweating brows. Threatening and beseeching, with small pleading hands and flaming, steel-blue eyes, he had the look of the fanatic. Presently my critical faculty was swept away. He was holding the masses, and me with them, under a hypnotic spell by the sheer force of his conviction." ...The crude, brutal strength of his oratory had a strong appeal for women who made up a large proportion of every audience and always crowded to the front of the hall, so that they could be closer to their idol. 'Women hung eagerly on every word of his speeches' comments the German writer Hans Bleuel (1973, Sex and Society in Nazi Germany). 'It was sexual excitement which he knew how to kindle, especially among his female listeners....' ....Hitler's public manner, part carefully rehearsed-he would practise his gestures before a mirror-part the spontaneous brilliance of the natural orator, projected sexual violence as much as political extremism....His massive fan mail after 1924 came largely from women, of all ages, and included locks of hair, photographs-many of them intimate nude shots-proposals of marriage, and pleas that he should take away their virginity. ....Women were said to cry out Hitler's name at the moment of orgasm and girls were said only to make love when they had a picture of Hitler beneath the sheets.... ....In an article on the women around Hitler, published [on April 3, 1923] in the Münchner Post, he was described as the 'King of Munich', a 'lady-killer at whose feet the wealthiest and most beautiful women were said to prostrate themselves.'"
David LEWIS, 1977, The Secret Life of Adolf Hitler.
London : Heinrich Hanau Publications.

"[Goebbels' doubts about Hitler] had to do with policy.... Goebbels had socialist attitudes completely at odds with the right-wing nationalists down in Munich. It was Hitler's great skill, by insisting on a party programme of platitudes and his own over-riding authority, to bridge this vast gulf. He also shamelessly wooed and flattered Goebbels, who abandoned his leftist friends. To justify his opportunism, Goebbels decided that Marxism and stock-market capitalism were equally hateful because they were symptoms of the same 'Jewish conspiracy'. Thus the Nazi ideology was born."
James BUCHAN, 1993, The Spectator, 13 xi.

"As a young Red Guard, Jung Chang [author of Wild Swans] saw people beaten up, their houses ransacked, libraries burned to the ground, former teachers hounded to death, and ideologically driven students settling old scores against the "obstinate capitalist roaders". In 1969, like others of her class and generation, she was sent to a distant village to work on the land. Her mother, sister and one brother were sent to other provinces. Her father was put in a labour camp. Later, as a degree of political reform and stability returned to China, Jung Chang went to university and won the unique chance to leave to study abroad. She has lived in England ever since."
Caroline MOOREHEAD, 1992, New Statesman & Society, 6 iii.

"....as all political parties are but the expression of class interests, and as the interest of the working class is diametrically opposed to the interests of all sections of the master class, the party seeking working-class emancipation must be hostile to every other party."
One of the Eight Principles of the Socialist Party of Great Britain (London SW4), c.1983, Is a Third World War Inevitable?

"Ideology is "a machine for generating doctrines, exhibiting the central idea that all evils-without exception-in society are caused, in a rigid, deterministic, by oppression."
Kenneth MINOGUE, 1985, Alien Powers: the Pure Theory
of Ideology
. London : Weidenfield & Nicholson.

"[The class of political intellectuals] may be said to have begun with the politically minded humanists of the Italian Renaissance, and it grew steadily in size during the succeeding centuries.
We properly include in it not only the humanists and their successors, the Philosophes, but also, later, the revolutionistes of 1848 (to be found in just about all coffee-houses on the Continent): Saint-Simonians, Fourierists, Positivists and, eventually, anarchists, socialists and communists. Its dominant characteristics are and have been, from the time of the 'humanists', rootlessness in society, an adversary position towards polity, and a fascination with power and its uses. The capacity of this class for ideological fanaticism, for sacrifice of life and institution alike in the name of principle, and even for outright blood-lust and terror is well known to comparative students of modern revolutions."
Robert NISBET, 1986,
The Making of Modern Society. Brighton : Wheatsheaf.

"Conspiracy theories have, of course, always been the common hallmark of the far Left and far Right."
Timothy Garton ASH, 1986, The Spectator, 4 i.

"Militant's propaganda dwells more on hatred of its real or imagined enemies than on love of its fellow countryman. It is strong on abuse and weak on social sympathy. Militant argues as if it were the sole repository of philosophical truth, entrenched in a citadel of ideological purity."
Alan THOMPSON (former Labour M.P.), 1987, The Scotsman, iii.

"In an interview about the leaders of the 1968 disturbances [in France], Michel Chemin, the Renault car factory militant, is "no longer convinced that the proletariat as such still exists. Good thing, too!" He confesses that in all the years of strike-organising militancy, moving from factory to factory, he tried to "repress in myself the violence which would make one a fascist, a man who would kill other human beings....For fifteen years I lived with one idea: to strangle the boss." Murder was no longer in his heart. He had set up a little business for himself, working on his own. "I'm now also a boss.""
Melvin J. LASKY, 1988, Encounter 71, xi.

"Comrade Ceausescu's extreme paranoia is....discussed [by Lt. Gen. Mihai Pacepa, Red Horizons: Chronicles of a Communist Spy Chief], together with references to 365 outfits of clothes, which would be worn once, marked, and destroyed so that foreign substances could not be introduced to poison the Supreme Guide [as Ceausescu is titled in Romania]. On trips, the Ceausescus would bring their own food and bedding to avoid foreign contamination. After shaking hands with strangers, the Supreme Couple would wash their hands in alcohol. This, too, might seem comical to some in the West. Yet Ceausescu's exploits against his enemies, particularly those in Romania, are so gruesome that it is unsurprising that he might fear the same tactics by his opponents. One of the worst Ceausescu punishments is the use of "Radu" - giving opponents lethal oral doses of radiation during their incarceration so that they would contract cancer in a short time. Pacepa notes the dictator's aversion to ice in his drinks because of his fear of reverse "Radu"."
Bruce RICKERSON, 1988, International Freedom Review 1, 3.

"Fascist movements....are built around a leader sent by Destiny, Providence or History to rescue the nation in its hour of desperate need. The leader comes from humble origins, and the crisis is caused by a plot.... Fascism thus manages to exploit just about every defect to which we humans are heir, simultaneously politicising a brew of ignorance, hero-worship, generational conflict, envy, xenophobia, the joys of group surrender of responsibility and the mindless violence of beribboned football hooligans."
Murray SAYLE, 1989, The Spectator, 29 iv.

"....[Ayatollah] Khomeini [Iran's religious leader and dictator in the 1980's] is, beneath the robes and the turban, a thoroughly 20th-century figure. What enrages him enraged Hitler and Stalin, Patrick Pearse and Chairman Mao, Mussolini and Fidel Castro. What he hates-and they all hated-is the freedom and cosmopolitanism of the century. He fears-and they feared-the idea that men would become bourgeois, independent, mobile, individual, anti-collective....[and] that they wanted to pursue personal goals rather than racial or religious dreams. The revolutionaries reacted violently against modernity. ....They invariably regarded the existing, traditional institutions as decadent because the representatives of those institutions always had the humanity to suspect ideology...."
Editorial, The Spectator 262, 25 ii 1989?

"In one unfortunate country [two decades after China's 'Cultural Revolution', two years after the tearing down of the Berlin Wall, and a year after the failure of the attempted hard-line communist coup against Gorbachev in Moscow] the Maoists never grew up, and what started out as youthful rebellion has become vicious and bloody revolt. That country is Peru, and its Maoist movement, the Communist Party of Peru for the Shining Path of Jose Carlos Mariategui
-widely known as Sendero Luminoso, or 'Shining Path'-is led by small-time intellectuals who believe they are following the ineluctable dictates of history, but in fact act from pique at the inability of Peruvian society, desperately impoverished and corrupted by years of state interference in the economy, to accord them the importance and status to which they imagine themselves entitled. Religious belief being closed to them, they seek personal transcendence in the 'laws' of history. In the name of the creation of 'a society of complete harmony' (not a concept which sits well with the so-called laws of dialectical materialism) the infrastructure of Peru, always exiguous, has been largely destroyed, so that the capital is often without running water or electricity; whole populations have been terrorised into compliance with the dictates of Sendero Luminoso; thousands of farms have been abandoned and whole areas depopulated; slums have been swollen by refugees; bombs planted in public places; countless people savagely killed and horrifically mutilated ; young children kidnapped, brain-washed, used as executioners and even as walking bombs; and an entire country reduced to an appalling level of poverty and despair. Now that the full ruthlessness and brutality of Sendero are widely recognized, the time is ripe for the organisation to receive the support of western intellectuals.... Channel IV [an up-market UK TV station], for example, recently screened a documentary entitled Condemned to Win, which was only slightly more informative about Sendero than Leni Riefenstahl's Triumph of the Will was about the Nazi death camps."
Anthony DANIELS, 1992, The Spectator, 22 viii.

"In opposition to [the] global modernising, rationalising, imperialist project [of "foundationalist", racist, Dead White European Males (DWEMS) Europe's Age of Enlightenment], postmodernism, postcoloniality and identity politics are supposed to combine in a kind of uneasy Rainbow Coalition of resistance [and, following Foucault, Derrida and Lyotard, "write back" against the "dominant discourses" of the politically powerful]. As Indian historian Gyan Prakash (comfortably ensconced in an American university) suggests, this challenges "those modernisation schemes and ideologies that post-Enlightenment Europe projected as the raison d'être of history"; and thereby confronts the "second colonialism" that foundationalist theories supposedly represent. The resistance movement requires, says Prakash, the creation of "mythographies" rather than histories: anti-rationalist discourses that will give us the "liberating nature of the victim's discourse, particularly for that of the colonised". In other words, liberation comes through fabricating politically useful legends about the past, disregarding such colonialist impositions as historical truthfulness. - 'Politically useful', that is, to the interests of whatever group one is championing at the time. ....[According to such theorising] we can choose only on political grounds: and, since we are denied also the possibility of universal political or ethical criteria, we can have only local, situation-specific "truths". One kind of account is true for Jews and one for fascists, one for whites and one for blacks, and so on."
Stephen HOWE, 1992, 'Empire strikes back'.
New Statesman & Society, 25 ix.

"Before you can destroy a people it is necessary to demonize them. By constantly telling pious Hindus that the Muslims desecrate their temples, but suppressing the fact that Hindu rulers behaved in a similar fashion towards the Buddhists, the BJP [India's resurgent Hindu party] is guilty of deliberately distorting history.... in order to commit their different atrocities, the Turks lied about the past of the Armenians, the Germans about that of the Jews, and the early Zionists about that of the Palestinians. In India, these historical
distortions have already {just since 1989} led to the loss of thousands of Muslim lives...." William DALRYMPLE, 1993, 'These Buddhists are all foreigners'. The Spectator, 28 viii.

"20,000 Peruvians have, it is said, been executed by the Maoist fanatics of Shining Path...."
Raymond CARR, 1993, The Spectator, 11 ix.

"Wu, a political detainee [in Communist China], was sent into the Laogai [concentration camp system] for 19 years. Calmly and meticulously he documents the ideology behind the complex structure and the cruel policing within the camps, which hold between 16 to 20 million of the present Chinese population.
The purpose behind the Laogai is not, as in prisons in Western democracies, to maintain order in society or to punish criminals in accordance with the law, but to protect and consolidate the dictatorship of the Communist Party. Through beating, torture, solitary confinement, 'struggle' sessions and criticism meetings where the inmates are expected to inform on each other, the individual is taught to return to Deng Xiaoping's four basic principles - all concerned with the upholding of the socialist path through Marxism/Leninism - Mao Zedung thought."
Jessica DOUGLAS-HOME, 1993, The Spectator, 11 ix.
(Reviewing H.H.Wu, Laogai - the Chinese Gulag. Westview.)

"Look at that slimy cunt Lilley {a Conservative Minister of State for Social Security}, Darren hissed at the image of this politician on the box. - I'd like to get that fucking arsehole and cut his bollocks off. Then I'd like to stuff them down his throat and sew his mouth up so he has to swallow them....fucking child-killing cunt! ....Darren clenched his fist at me. - That's the difference between me and those fucking wimpy arsehole socialists, I don't want the Tories out, I want them fucking dead. Just because I've got a bus-pass doesn't mean I'm part of the system. An anarchist with a bus-pass is still a fucking anarchist. All hate to the state!"
'Darren' to 'Brian' in Irving Walsh's novella, A Smart Cunt, part of The Acid House, 1994. London : Jonathan Cape.

(xii) Psychological accounts of political extremism / fanaticism etc.

"....certain broad generalizations could be offered regarding this group of unique Rorschach subjects {viz. the eight NSDAP war criminals tested by a prison psychologist at Nuremberg (incidentally having a mean IQ of 127)}. ....significant deficits in reality testing and possible thought disorder were displayed by half of these defendants, with particularly striking evidence in the case of Hess.... [they also] appeared to be prone to difficulties in response to the affective stimulation [with the marked exception of the suicidally inclined Hess]."
Journal of Personality Assessment 53.

"The authoritarian will reverse his evaluations on the simple say-so of an authority figure.... The authoritarian liberal would change his views on Communism if Franklin Roosevelt had told him to do so.... The proposed definition [of authoritarianism] is dynamic rather than static. One could not diagnose authoritarianism from an inventory of beliefs but only from knowledge of the circumstances that will change belief."
Roger BROWN, 1965, Social Psychology.

"IQ itself has normally been acknowledged to be a negative correlate of authoritarianism, though many workers have, in the fashion of the times, preferred to ascribe the 'rigid', 'concretistic', 'stereotypic' and 'anti-intraceptive' thought processes of the authoritarian to anything that would spare them from describing him as simply 'dull'."
C.R.BRAND, 1981, in R.Lynn, Dimensions of Personality.
Oxford : Pergamon.

"....Eysenck was too kind to the Left when he accepted the limitations of the scientific method and confined his personology of Communism to Communists of the West in the 1950's [ - saying they were 'tough-minded radicals' who were morally emancipated]: for there is not much that is libertarian or merrily anarcho-hedonistic about the world's Communist countries today." "[However, to envisage that Western] Left-wing activists might be high in 'independence', 'autonomy' and Machiavellianism would not seem too wide of the mark: indeed, such people have sometimes seemed to have a marked interest in argument and analysis, being markedly more aggressive than Fascists in such respects...."
C.R.BRAND, 1986, in S. & C. Modgil, Hans Eysenck:
Consensus and Controversy
. Brighton : Falmer.

"In opposition to W.F.Stone (1980, 'The myth of left-wing authoritarianism', Political Psychology 2), the results of the present study reveal that the tough-minded [on Eysenck's Psychoticism scale] supported either the right or the left [as opposed to centrist views; p< .05]. That the fascists and communists are tough-minded (as opposed to democratic) is not in dispute. Rightists and leftists do, however, differ with respect to the attitudes they hold or the types of behaviors they manifest: Rightists endorsed authoritarian attitudes....whereas Leftists reported anti-authority behavior."
P.C.L.HEAVEN & J.CONNORS, 1988, Journal of Social Psychology 128.

"[The] lingering pattern of child abuse means....that the success of democracy in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe is far from guaranteed. ....the two [Eastern European] countries with the highest infant mortality rates have so far been unable to produce successful democratic movements: Yugoslavia and Albania."
Lloyd de MAUSE (Director, Institute for Psychohistory), 1991,
in J.Offerman-Zuckerberg, Politics and Psychology: Contemporary
Psychodynamic Perspectives
. New York : Plenum.

"You can't pick up a report on poverty, crime or health without finding the population allocated into two opposing parties: North and South, the poor and the rich, the healthy and the unhealthy. It's always two groups, never three or four: that would spoil the game. And the groups are always opposing: the poor are poor because the rich are rich, the northerners suffer because of the southerners, the "developing" countries because of the developed.... cowboy and Indian sociology is everywhere.... the final straw was the recent internal Metropolitan Police report which said there were two Londons, the affluent suburbs and the deprived inner city."
Digby ANDERSON, 1987,
'When only a duel will do'. The Times, 29 iv.

"The likelihood is that J. Edgar Hoover [Director of the American Federal Bureau of Investigations during the McCarthy era and subsequently] never knew sexual desire at all. Obsessed with the responsibility of running the F.B.I., he was in every respect a repressed person who was [as A.G.Theoharis and J.S.Cox say, in their book, The Boss] "bonded to his mother and to a set of largely negative belief systems, based not on philosophical or theoretical foundations, but on hostility to supposed alien traditions defined as 'un-American', 'subversive' and 'communistic'". Hoover's lifelong pursuit of radicals resulted not from old-fashioned, protestant American values, but from the fact that he had no real values of his own. Similarly, his obsession with the sexual behaviour of virile adulterous figures such as Eisenhower, Jack and Bobby Kennedy and Martin Luther Kind, was the psychological corollary of his own
lonely private life." Philip KERR, 1989, Sunday Times (Books), 27 viii. {A later biography would suggest that Hoover was an active transvestite who used F.B.I. findings to blackmail leading politicians and President Kennedy himself.}

"The beginning of revolutions is psychologically strikingly akin to that of certain relationships-the stress on unity, the belief in the omnipotence of the couple/nation, the urge to give up on previous egotism, to dissolve the boundaries of the self, the desire that there be no more secrets (the fear of the opposite soon leading to lover's paranoia and/or the creation of a secret police."
Alain de Botton, 1993, Essays in Love. London : Macmillan.

"The picture which emerged [of French skinheads, in research by Angelina Peralva (La France Raciste)] was a very different one to that portrayed in Mike Brake's (1974) The Skinheads: An English Working Class Subculture. The group of French skinheads came from far more varied backgrounds. The most widely shared factor was membership of a family which had sunk socially and economically, shattering family relationships and social roots. "Their fathers had been in the army, in business, in engineering before ending up on housing estates after a dismissal, bankruptcy and so forth," explained Peralva. "The family situations were always extremely difficult, a sister on hard drugs, a brother in jail."
Stella HUGHES, 1995, 'Hate couture.'
Times Higher Educational Supplement, 2 vi, p.17.

"[We] tested the hypothesis that high scores on the EPQ Extraversion scale express more tolerant and humanitarian attitudes towards the marginal social groups, whereas high scorers on Psychoticism maintain a more repressive position. The data collected among 249 Polish subjects....confirmed the assumptions."
Z.ZALESKI, S.B.G.EYSENCK & H.J.EYSENCK, 1995, from the abstract of an address to International Society for the Study of Individual Differences, meeting in Warsaw.

"Emotional insecurities are reduced by hating scapegoats and adoring heroes.... ....Politics is a form of social therapy for potential suicides."
Harold P. LASSWELL, 1995, 'The psychology of Hitlerism',
Political Quarterly 4.

"The persistence of this ideology [i.e. the anti-semitism of the National Front in Britain] shows the limitations of social-psychological theories of prejudice, such as those of authoritarianism and dogmatism, which ignore the historical and cultural aspects of bigotry."
M.BILLIG, 1978, Fascists. London : Academic.

"What the far Left and the far Right have in common is Statism."
Shirley WILLIAMS (Social Democrat), 1981.

"Nazism and Fascism grew out of the collapse of the economic system in the 1930's. They spread among the millions of unemployed and deprived people who lost any hope that conditions would improve."
Neil KINNOCK (Leader of the British Labour Party), 1985,
The Times, 7 v.

"....Eysenck's political passions to this day blind him to the obvious fact that he has failed in his search for psychological evidence of Left-wing authoritarianism."
J.RAY, 1986, in S. & Celia Modgil, Hans Eysenck: Consensus
and Controversy
. Brighton : Falmer.

"M.Billig (1989, in D.Howitt et al., Social Psychology) lucidly outlines the theoretical relationship between authoritarianism and racism and prejudice. This theory has been challenged by recent research in Germany and Britain, which shows that children tend to be much less authoritarian today but continue to be racist."
Helena M. CARLSON, 1990, Irish Journal of Psychology 11.

"What [Anthony] Summers [Official and Confidential: the Secret Life of J.Edgar Hoover, Gollancz] has done is to lay bare the mechanism by which Hoover [the creator and long-standing Director of the F.B.I.] imposed himself on American society for almost five decades {engineering moral panics, turning knowledge of others' weaknesses into power, imposing a sometimes irrational view of the world.... tolerating organised crime, attending Mafia orgies (once perhaps in a red dress and feather boa), persecuting 'sex deviants' and successful black people-fearing he had black ancestry himself-blackmailing senior politicians, Presidents not excluded}..... Summers makes much of the fact [of having] taken his material to psychologists and psychiatrists; they have stuck various posthumous labels on his subject. But there is nothing deep or new here. Summers' thoughts on Hoover's [notorious] homosexuality [with his second-in-command, Clyde Tolson] run on the old lines-mother-dominant, father weak-or-absent. This is cliché stuff, almost insulting. As for his relationships with women, Hoover 'idealised mother figures and lusted after degraded women'; yes, it's the old 'madonna-whore' syndrome. It does not add much to our knowledge of the man to call in an expert to label him an 'Authoritarian Personality'. We could have guessed that. Perhaps the best we can say is, he was born so: and the times provided him with some opportunity to fulfil his nature. He could have wrought worse-as Summers says-if he had been born in the same year [1895] in Germany."
Hilary MANTEL, 1993, The Spectator, 6 iii.

(xiii) Far Left = Far Right?

"Bohemian he certainly looked in those vagabond days in Vienna [1908-13, as an aspiring but largely unsuccessful art student]. Those who knew him remembered later his long, shabby overcoat, which hung down to his ankles and resembled a [Jewish] caftan....They remembered his greasy black derby, which he wore year round, and his matted hair....He rarely appeared to have had a haircut or a shave and the sides of his face and chin were usually covered with the black stubble of an incipient beard."
W.L.SHIRER, 1960, writing of Adolf Hitler.
The Rise and Fall of the Third Reich. New York : Simon & Schuster.

"There is more that binds us to Bolshevism than separates us from it. There is, above all, genuine revolutionary feeling, which is alive everywhere in Russia, except where there are Jewish Marxists. I have made allowance for this circumstance and given orders that former Communists are to be admitted to the Party at once. The petit bourgeois Social Democrat and the Trade Union boss will never make a National Socialist, but a Communist always will."
Adolf HITLER, 1934,
quoted by H.J.Eysenck, Rebel with a Cause. London : W.H.Allen.

"The National Front....is committed to the nationalisation of the banks, the multinationals and "all vital industry", and even boasted in 1984 that "Britain is seeing a resurgence of British socialism in the form of the National Front."
Philip Van Der ELST, 1989, The Threats to Our Freedom.
London SE1 7JB : The Freedom Association.

"The influence of Militant might not have made Liverpool the most racist city in Britain", commented Louis Julienne [Director, Federation of Black Housing Organisations], "but they are certainly helping to keep it that way."
S.PLATT, 1986, New Society, 24 x.

"Mr La Rouche, once a member of the Trotskyite Socialist Workers' Party, is an extreme right-winger who has several times run for [U.S.] President.... Mr La Rouche, bitterly hostile to Britain, maintains that the Queen is head of an international drug smuggling ring and that Dr Kissinger is a Communist agent."
The Times, 12 viii 1986.

"La Rouche's organization explains Zionism as a British conspiracy, considers the Queen, through the Commonwealth, to be head of a drug-trafficking network with links to the Mafia, and accuses Henry Kissinger of being a "Soviet agent of influence".... La Rouche, 63, a former Trotskyist....has since been known as active on the AIDS issue in California through PANIC-the Prevent Aids Now Initiative Committee." A.LYCETT, 1986, The Times 4 xi.

"Whilst regimes [in southern Africa] have been prepared to declare themselves Marxist and practise Marxian economics, it has often been an excuse to pursue tribal aims. In [Marxist] theory, African society is too underdeveloped to produce Marxist revolution. But the concept of a one-party state provides the perfect ideological cover for asserting tribal (i.e. racial) supremacy. This can be seen in the Soviet Union where the Russians use Marxism-Leninism to justify the repression of what they generally regard as racially inferior groups: the unrest in the south of the Soviet Union epitomises these problems."
Freedom Research 2, viii 1988.
London : BCM Box 9200; WC1N 3XX.

"With 6.8% of the vote [in the French Presidential Election]....the Communists obtained their worst score since they first appeared on the French political scene in 1920. ....Their failure to adapt to new realities....has allowed M Jean-Marie Le Pen's extreme right National Front to make damaging inroads into the traditional far left."
Susan MACDONALD, 1988, The Times, 26 iv.

"[A certain British political group:]
(a) supported the miners in the 1984-85 miners' strike;
(b) opposed the introduction of Cruise missiles into Britain;
(c) has close links with [Colonel Gaddafi's] Libya;
(d) is a keen PLO supporter;
(e) believes in high public spending;
(f) is opposed to privatisation;
(g) supported the printworkers in their recent disputes;
(h) supported the seamen in their dispute with P&O;
(i) believes that Britain should withdraw from Nato.
It could perhaps be the Workers' Revolutionary Party which....believes in the above policies. Indeed, it could in fact be most groups on the British revolutionary Left. In fact [however, it is] the Fascist National Front." "The Front believes in a 'white revolution' in which the working classes will rise up against the business classes which it sees as being dominated by Jews and, to an increasing extent, Asians."
Freedom Research 2, xi 1988 / ii 1989.

"[According to Hewat Beukes, a former SWAPO youth leader, addressing a Workers' Revolutionary Party press conference] "We know that more than 10,000 have died, due to SWAPO's detentions and firing squads. It is possible that up to 20,000 of the best fighters of the Namibian masses have been murdered [by SWAPO, as estimated by J.Carlin, 1989, The Independent, 18 ix]".... Carlin wrote: "....there was a Pol-Pot-like strand of anti-intellectualism, compounded by a constant fear that these brighter SWAPO cadres would wrest power away from the ruling clique. Members of this clique, besides often bordering on the illiterate, carry with them a residual resentment born of the fact that [they] - the Kwanyamas and the bigger ethnic group to which they belong, the Owambos - have traditionally been the poorest, worst-educated and consequently most socially disparaged of Namibia's blacks." ....There can be no doubt now as to the massive scale of the atrocities committed by SWAPO against its own supporters. What is more, [the atrocities] did not happen because the leadership feared that the organisation was riddled with South African spies, but because of simple tribalism. In essence, the only philosophical difference between SWAPO and extremist white elements in South Africa is that the former have been allowed to get away with the wholescale butchering of their tribal rivals."
Freedom Research 3, xi 1989.

"A plaque [in East Berlin's Alexanderplatz] informs us that this was the site where Friedrich Ludwig Jahn developed his patriotic ideas in the early nineteenth century. Jahn was the inventor of mass callisthenics; he believed in collectivism, an unselfish devotion to German roots, and a continuous vigilance against the greed and rootlessness of Jews and gypsies. He also hated the upper classes. He worshipped the warm, human solidarity of the Volk. He was a kind of spiritual forerunner of National Socialism, and, in many ways, of the old [pre-1990] German Democratic Republic."
Ian BURUMA, 1990, The Spectator, 24 iii.

"[My new companion, in a National Front pub] was round and covered with fuzzy hair.... Phil Andrews was in his early thirties and over the course of a decade had lived a life of several extremes. He had trained as a policeman, but gave it up. He than became a militant communist, but gave that up too. And now, for a while at least, he had become a career fascist. He had just been asked to help run the Young National Front, an important position...."
Bill BUFORD, 1991, Among the Thugs. London : Secker & Warburg.

"{Red} China last week executed 140 people in a single day at a series of mass rallies before millions of onlookers."
Classic FM Radio News, 4 xii 1993.

"The paradox of communism in power was that it was conservative."
Eric HOBSBAWM, 1994, Age of Extremes. London : Michael Joseph.

(xiv) Politicians and Politics

Singular figures
(See above for Hitler, Ceausescu and other dictators)

"The whole Range of his Mind was from Obscenity to Politics, and from Politics to Obscenity."
Richard Savage, of Sir Robert Walpole (the first British 'Prime Minister'),
quoted approvingly by Dr Johnson, Life of Savage.

"We come here for fame!"
DISRAELI, of Members of the House of Commons,
quoted in John Bright's Diaries. London : Cassell, 1930.

"When it became known that the Foreign Secretary, Lord Palmerston, had attempted to rape one of the Queen's ladies-in-waiting at Windsor Castle, swift action was taken: the Prime Minister asked him to send her a letter of apology.... The Prime Minister himself, Lord Melbourne, had appeared in court a couple of years earlier, charged with committing adultery. Though he was acquitted, he was widely believed to have kept mistresses in the past, and his obsession with erotic flagellation was not altogether a secret."
Editorial in The Spectator, 19 v 1994.

"Gladstone's existence outside politics and the family seem to have been divided roughly equally between Classical study (which produced an unsuccessful 3-volume work on Homer), 'arboreal assaults' ([felling] other people's trees as well as his own) and endless interviews attempting vainly to persuade prostitutes to abandon their profession. One day he read Tennyson to a whore for four-and-a-half hours.... [It was] Queen Victoria's opinion that he was 'half crazy, half silly' and 'a deluded old fanatic.'"
D.GILMOUR, 1995, The Spectator, 21 x.
(Reviewing Roy Jenkins, Gladstone, Macmillan.)

"I rank myself no higher in the scheme of things than a policeman - whose utility would disappear if there were no criminals."
Lord SALISBURY (UK Prime Minister, 1885-6, 1886-92,
1895-1902), e.g. 1861, The Quarterly Review.

"While [Keir Hardie, the first independent Labour M.P., eventually Labour leader,] was espousing the feminist cause, his wife was living on a pittance, lonely and neglected while he dallied with a succession of glamorous women. He was a ruthless egotist who put his admirable principles first, before his family. He was difficult to work with, and stubbornly resistant to any form of self-analysis or introspection."
Janet BARRON, 1992, New Statesman & Society, 23 x.

"By the time he became prime minister of France in 1917, his finest hour, there was simply no one left to offend.... He ruled the country with a kitchen cabinet, an iron fist and a ministry of nonentities: the geese who saved the Capitol, as he put it. Even in private life Clemençeau was unamiable. His relationships with his family were rocky...., his wife [abandoned and] wretched. Clemençeau had built his career on destruction.... "There are three things [about Clemenceau] you fear," Deroulède told parliament...., "his sword, his pistol and his tongue.""
Nicholas RICHARDSON, 1993, reviewing Gregor Dallas' At the
Heart of a Tiger
. New Statesman & Society, 29 i.

"Clement Attlee did not rise in the Labour Party by pretending to be other than he was. He remained a faithful product of his conventional upper-middle-class background. He regarded himself as a Victorian and took the rhetoric of imperial service which he had imbibed at Haileybury with a disconcerting literalness. As an undergraduate at University College, Oxford, he professed 'ultra-Tory' opinions and admired 'strong, ruthless rulers'. The earnest young man who became a social worker in the East End of London did not repudiate Haileybury and Oxford; he simply came to the conclusion that capitalism was a shamefully inadequate means of providing decently for his fellow beings and joined the Independent Labour Party. The straightforwardly pragmatic nature of this case at once set bounds to his radicalism and also meant that he was largely untainted by the sort of liberalism so common among middle-class recruits to the Labour Party."
Peter CLARKE, 1991, A Question of Leadership.
London : Hamish Hamilton.

"Angered by the imperturbable Attlee in 1954, [the left-wing hero, Nye] Bevan sarcastically commented: 'I know that the right kind of leader for the Labour Party is a desiccated calculating machine'. That the epithet should have stuck to [Hugh] Gaitskell [the Opposition Leader who had taken over from Clement Attlee] was most implausible, as Bevan well saw: 'For one thing Hugh is not desiccated - he's highly emotional'. His public oratory had an undertow of emotion all the more thrilling in its unexpectedness. Even in his private life, his exuberant party-going embraced a recklessness which was seen in his affair with the fashionable hostess, Anne Fleming; and 'machine' is simply not the right word for a man with the reputation of cuckolding the creator of James Bond."
Peter CLARKE, 1991, A Question of Leadership: from Gladstone to
London : Hamish Hamilton.

"After 85 days of investigations, [a Brazilian congressional inquiry] concluded with a direct accusation [against Brazil's President since 1990, the dashing young Fernando Collor de Mello]. The man who had come to power on an anti-corruption platform had made at least $6.5 million through [fraud]. Even [his wife] Rosanne's expensive taste in dresses and haircuts had allegedly been funded [fraudulently] to the tune of an average $240,000 per month. One of the most bizarre items was $2.5 million for the landscaping of Mr Collor's garden. The landscaper said last week that the Collor garden 'made the gardens of Babylon look shabby'."
Christina LAMB, 1992, 'An awful lot of trouble in Brazil'.
The Spectator, 12 ix.

"Despite his romantic air and his youthful radicalism, which suggest parallels with the maverick Toryism of Disraeli or Churchill, there is also a case to be made for setting Macmillan [UK Prime Minister 1958-1964] in another tradition -that of Salisbury's pragmatic Conservative statecraft, with its tough-minded cynicism about the affairs of this imperfect world unashamedly licensed by deep Christian convictions. Macmillan's religious beliefs were manifestly a great personal solace to him, faced with the distressing and prolonged crisis in his marriage. But there was also a surprisingly strong public resonance, with his reiterated view that a secular belief in decency was simply not enough."
Peter CLARKE, 1991, A Question of Leadership.
London : Hamish Hamilton.

"[After conducting a gala charity concert in Beijing before 8,000 people, I was] approached by Chinese journalists, one of whom observed how interesting it was that I combined politics-which is practical, and music-which is fantasy. I replied they had got it the wrong way round!"
Edward HEATH, 1989, Sunday Times (Magazine), 8 i.

"R.E.Donley and D.G.Winter(1970, Behavioral Science 15) reported the first study of political motives-at-a-distance. They scored the first inaugural address of the twelve U.S. Presidents who took office in the twentieth century for 'power' and 'achievement' imagery. An example of a passage scored for
Need for Power from President Taft's inaugural address [1909] [is]:
"[We must be prepared] in order to prevent other
nations from taking advantage of us and of our
inability to defend our interests-and assert
our rights with a strong hand."
[Drawing on Franklin Delano Roosevelt's address (1933), here is] a passage scored for Need for Achievement:
"We are beginning to wipe out the line that
divides the practical from the ideal; and in so
doing we are fashioning an instrument of
unimagined power for the establishment of a
morally better world."
The latest report by Winter(1987, J. Person. & Soc. Psychol. 52), which utilized a refined scoring system, studied the complete range of U.S. Presidents. Among twentieth-century U.S. Presidents, John F. Kennedy and Harry Truman were highest in power motivation. President [Jimmy] Carter's inaugural address expressed more concern over achievement than that of any other President. [Richard] Nixon was also quite high on achievement; his successor, Gerald Ford, had the highest n Affiliation score of any President."
W.F.STONE & P.E.SCHAFFNER, 1988, The Psychology of Politics.
2nd ed.
New York : Springer-Verlag.

"[The diary of the Pakistan political leader, Zulfi Bhutto] reveals an almost disarming candour in his attitude to politics. Even at the age of 22 he had, as he puts it, learnt to ' live by a profitable absence of scruples if we are to be successful politicians. We have to do what others do to us, but we must do it before the others have the opportunity.' .....Bhutto's great victories were equally a product of his split personality and scheming showmanship..... in the end his own personality devoured him.... Whether it was schizophrenia or megalomania, there was more to him."
Karan THAPAR, 1993, The Spectator, 27 xi.

"If you change the approach {away from collectivism} you really are after the heart and soul of the nation. Economics are the method; the object is to change the heart and soul."
Margaret THATCHER, 1981, interviewed in Sunday Times.

"Mrs Thatcher was an epiphenomenon in the life of the British people. The mother-in-law of the nation spoke much, but achieved little. She was unable to defeat what has become an essential British addiction: blaming others."
T.DALRYMPLE, 1991, The Spectator, 21 ix.

"I like to say what I think quite early on and see whether arguments are addressed which show me to be wrong, in which case I have no difficulty in changing my line."
Margaret THATCHER, 1993, The Downing Street Years. London : Harper Collins.

"John F. Kennedy is, remarkably, the only British or American leader of the past 30 years to have left office as a hero rather than as a joke (Ford, Callaghan, Reagan, Bush), a wreck (Heath, Carter, Wilson, Nixon, Bush) or a monster (Thatcher, Johnson, Nixon)."
Mark LAWSON, 1992, The Independent (Magazine), 14 xi.

"During the plane back from the [Luxembourg] Summit, I ask François Mitterand what is, in his opinion, the most important quality for a politician. He replies, 'I would like to say, sincerity. But it is, in fact, indifference.'"
M.J.ATTALI, 1993, Verbatim.
Quoted by R.Cottrell, The Spectator, 22 v 1993.

"If anyone should miss Carol [Thatcher]'s message about her mother in [her book, Below the Parapet], she has reinforced it with a couple of pre-launch interviews during which she paints a sad picture of maternal neglect. What little time Mum had for children went to [Carol's twin] Mark, who for some inexplicable reason was always the apple of Mrs T's eye....Lady Thatcher's world has always been a world of men. She omitted to include her own mother, Beatrice-a downtrodden housewife to whom she said she had nothing to say after the age of 15-from her Who's Who entry for decades.....[The psychoanalyst,] Leo Abse devoted the book Margaret, Daughter of Beatrice to his theory that it was Lady Thatcher' failure to empathise with her mother and her identification with masculine values that laid the roots for Thatcherism."
Mary BRAID, 1996, The Independent (Section 2), 4 iv.

General advices

"One of the penalties for refusing to participate in politics
is that you end up being governed by your inferiors."

"Every country has the government it deserves."
Joseph de MAISTRE, Lettres des Opuscules Inedits.

"Besides the submission I have for authority I have no less a love of liberty without which a man shall find himself less happy than a beast."
John LOCKE, Two Tracts.

"There is no art which one government sooner learns of another than draining money from the pockets of the people."

"Government, even in its best state, is but a necessary evil; in its worst state, an intolerable."
Thomas PAINE, Common Sense.

"I am sick of all this horrid business of politics, and Europe in general, and think you will hear of me going with the children to live in Australia."
Queen VICTORIA, 1859, writing to the Princess Royal.

"The reasonable man adapts himself to the world; the unreasonable one persists in trying to adapt the world to himself. Therefore all progress depends on the unreasonable man."
'John Tanner' ('Member of the Rich and Idle Classes'(MRIC)),
in his 'The Revolutionist's Handbook and Pocket Companion'.
In George Bernard Shaw's Man and Superman.

"Most human beings, though in varying degrees, desire to control not only their own lives but also the lives of others."
Bertrand RUSSELL, Freedom and Government.

"The scrupulous and the just, the noble, humane and devoted natures; the unselfish and the intelligent may begin a movement - but it passes away from them.... Afterwards comes the turn of all the pretentious intellectual failures of the time."
Joseph CONRAD.

"....the ideas of economists and political philosophers, both when they are right and when they are wrong, are more powerful than is commonly understood. Indeed, the world is ruled by little else. Practical men, who believe themselves to be quite exempt from any intellectual influences, are usually the slaves of some defunct economist. Madmen in authority, who hear voices in the air, are distilling their frenzy from some academic scribbler of a few years back. I am sure that the power of vested interests is vastly exaggerated compared with the gradual encroachment of ideas."
J.M.KEYNES, General Theory.

"The naive advocates of government interference with consumption delude themselves when they neglect what they disdainfully call the philosophical aspect of the problem. They unwittingly support the case of censorship, inquisition, religious intolerance and the persecution of dissenters."
Ludwig von MISES, Human Action.

"Politics can't be changed by a dog howling in the distance. Politics means getting within a sword's reach."
Yasuhiro NAKASONE (subsequently Japanese Prime Minister), 1967.

"For the revolution-minded, there is a great advantage in reifying, for one cannot lead a revolution against a host of individuals or a cloud of particulars. It is one thing to mutiny against Captain Bligh, but for an honest-to-god revolution, a blob like 'capitalism' is necessary. There is not the slightest paradox in Marx's simultaneous status as revolutionary and reifyer."
Robert NISBET, 1982, Prejudices. London : Harvard Univ. Press.

"When revolution in the name of power and of history becomes a murderous and immoderate mechanism, a new rebellion is consecrated in the name of moderation and of life."
Albert CAMUS,
quoted by President Ronald Reagan, 1988, on his way to Moscow
Summit talks with Secretary General Mikhail Gorbachov.

"Politics are neurotic and will disappear."
Bagwhan Shree RAJNEESH, quoted by Frances Fitzgerald, 1986,
Cities on a Hill. New York : Simon & Schuster.

"The cruelty of ideas lies in the assumption that human beings can be bent to fit them."
Paul JOHNSON, 1988, Intellectuals.
London : Weidenfeld & Nicolson.

"After the national sigh of relief [presumed to accompany the eventual overthrow of Mrs Thatcher as British Prime Minister] will come the moment when the next lot gulp and realise that they are now in charge. They will then bring out an endless stream of excuses to explain how all the problems they blamed on her will still be with us, and why nothing much can be done at the moment to rectify any complaint."
Colin WARD, 1989, New Statesman & Society, 28 iv.

"We do have a representative democracy.... [Apocryphally, perhaps, a new Member of Parliament] in the Strangers' Bar complained into his beer about the number of stupid dot-dot-dots there were in the House of Commons. "Aye, lad", said the elderly trade union member, "but this is a representative democracy, and there's a helluva lot of stupid dot-dot-dots out there in t'country.""
Julia LANGDON, 1992, New Statesman & Society, 21 viii.

"Whenever the 'poor' become a large enough voting body, politicians will arise who claim that all the poor are unfortunates and none are inadequate."
R.B.CATTELL, 1994, How Good Is Your Country?
Washington, DC : Institute for the Study of Man.


"[E.A.Purcell, 1973, The Crisis of Democratic Theory] suggests that World War II resolved "the crisis of democratic theory" that had been generated by the model of scientific naturalism and decades of evidence that the scientific truth about human behaviour undermined the very basis of liberal democratic institutions. Beginning early in the century, the pessimistic findings of psychological science about mental inequalities and mass irrationality had contributed directly to causing the crisis. World War II managed to resolve it, at least temporarily, by producing a consensus among intellectuals that the normative state of U.S. institutions and policy was equivalent to U.S. democratic ideals."
Ellen HERMAN, 1995, The Romance of American Psychology, p.338. Berkeley, CA : University of California Press.

"....aside from the constant vigilance of a citizenry steeped in a culture of liberty, there is no remedy for the expansionist tendencies inherent in all forms of government activity."
John GRAY, 1992, The Moral Foundations of Market Institutions.
London : Institute of Economic Affairs.

"In 1992, Francis Fukuyama published The End of History and the Last Man which suggested that history had ended in the sense that all men on earth, except in some residual pockets such as Islam, now aspire to western democracy and the consumer society. The divine rule of kings, theocracy, plutocracy, the thousand-year Reich and the dictatorship of the proletariat have all become extinct. No contending ideologies remain. His thesis was met with some jeers, but in South Africa it has had a precise confirmation."
Andrew KENNY, 1994, The Spectator, 2 iv.

"We don't need to fight our way back into Poland and the Ukraine. If we want them, we will eventually be able to buy them."
Konrad ADENAUER, 1950.

"By the century's end, large numbers of citizens were withdrawing from politics, leaving the affairs of state to the 'political class'-the phrase seems to have originated in Italy-who read each others' speeches and editorials.... Between 1960 and 1988 the proportion of blue-collar workers who cast their vote in American presidential elections fell by one third. ....For most people even the collective identification with their country now came more easily through the national sports, teams and non-political symbols than through the institutions of the state."
Eric HOBSBAWM, 1994, Age of Extremes: the Short Twentieth Century, 1914-1991. London : Michael Joseph.


{Compiled by C.R.Brand, Department of Psychology, University of Edinburgh.}

For how politics impinge on psychology,
especially in relation to intelligence, see:
BRAND, C.R. (1996) The g Factor.
Chichester : Wiley DePublisher.

"The nature and measurement of intelligence is a political hot potato. But Brand in this extremely readable, wide-ranging and up-to-date
book is not afraid to slaughter the shibboleths of modern "educationalists". This short book provides a great deal for thought
and debate."
Professor Adrian Furnham, University College London.
The book was first issued, in February, but then withdrawn, in April, by the 'publisher' because it was deemed to have infringed modern canons of
'political correctness.'
It received a perfectly favourable review in Nature (May 2, 1996, p. 33).

For a Summary of the book, Newsletters concerning the
de-publication affair, details of how to see the book for scholarly purposes, and others' comments and reviews,
see the Internet URL sites:

For Chris Brand's 'Get Real About Race!'-his popular exposition of his views on race and education in the Black
hip-hop music magazine 'downlow' (Autumn, 1996)-see:

A reminder of what is available in other Sections of 'P, B & S.'
Summary Index

(This resource manual of quotations about individual and group differences, compiled by
Mr C. R. Brand, is kept on the Internet and in Edinburgh University Psychology Department Library.)
Pages of Introduction
3 - 11 Full Index, indicating key questions in each Section.
12 - 14 Preface. - Why quotations? - Explanations and apologies.
15 - 51 Introduction: Questions, Arguments and Agreements in the study of Personality.
Some history, and a discussion of 'realism vs 'idealism.'
52 - 57 Introductory Quotes about the study of personality.
General problems
1 'Situational' vs 'personological' approaches to human variation.
2 'Nomothetic' vs 'idiographic', 'subjective' and relativistic approaches.
3 Personality dimensions-by factor analysis and otherwise.
4 'Superstructure' and 'infrastructure.' - The 'mind/body problem'.
5 Nature versus Nurture? - Or Nature via Nurture?
6 The role of consciousness in personality and 'multiple personality'.
7 The 'folk psychology' of personality components.
8 The measurement of intelligence. - Does g exist?
9 The bases of intelligence. - What is the psychology of g?
10 The developmental origins of g differences. - The nature and nurture of g.
11 The importance of intelligence. - The psychotelics of g.
12 Piagetianism: Kant's last stand?
13 Cognitivism: 'The Emperor's New Mind?'
14 Neurosis, emotion and Neuroticism.
15 Psychosis, psychopathy and Psychoticism.
16 Crime and criminality.
17 Genius and creativity.
Popular proposals - psychoanalytic, phrenological and prophylactic
18 Psychoanalysis: 'Decline and Fall of the Freudian Empire'?
19 Hemispherology: a twentieth-century phrenology?
20 Psycho-social Engineering: therapy, training or transformation?
Group differences
21 Age and ageing-especially, the role of g in 'life-span development'.
22 Psychological sex differences. - Do they exist? Must they exist?
23 Social class. - Does it matter any longer?
24 Racial and ethnic differences. - Their role in 'lifestyles' and cultural attainments.
Ideological issues
25 The psychology of politics and ideological extremism.
26 The politics of psychologists and allied co-workers.
27 Equality and Community: the 'utopian' package of political aims.
28 Freedom and Responsibility: the 'legitimist' package of political aims.
Pragmatic questions
29 Carry on differentializing?
30 Carry on psycho-testing?

Appendix: Factor Analysis. - 'Garbage in, garbage out'?


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